At a virtual talk hosted by the Washington-based German Marshall Fund of the United States on Thursday, Rick Waters, US deputy assistant secretary of state for China, Taiwan and Mongolia in the Bureau of East Asia and Pacific Affairs, accused China of inaccurately interpreting UN Resolution 2758 and urged other UN member nations to join the US in supporting Taiwan’s meaningful participation in the UN system.
Although it replaced the Republic of China with the People’s Republic of China as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, the resolution does not say that “Taiwan is part of China.” This should mean that Taiwan’s only chance to make a successful application to join the UN would be by using the name “Taiwan.” However, there is a problem.
China has many UN member states under its thumb and Washington has yet to amend its foreign policy of not supporting Taiwan’s participation in international organizations that have sovereign states as members. The US’ strategy in the Taiwan Strait is still constricted by the framework of its own “one China” policy.
Given this, if Taiwan were to join the UN, Taipei would first need to urge Washington to amend its “one China” policy. Only then could Taiwan obtain the US’ wholehearted support for joining the WHO — the UN organization for which Taiwan could be said to be the most qualified — and then knock at the door of UN membership.
Presently, Taiwan can only participate in the World Health Assembly with the assistance of the US and under the status of an “observer.” As a way of breaking this logjam, Taiwan’s diplomatic corps could recruit the assistance of the many powerful overseas Taiwanese groups and organizations, and ask them to make donations to election campaigns and help to get out the vote.
That way, the US Congress could be filled with lawmakers who are more Taiwan-friendly to build even closer ties between the two nations. Once in office, these lawmakers could lobby the US government to amend its “one China” policy so that it could support Taiwan’s participation in international organizations that have sovereign states as members.
During US presidential election campaigns, overseas Taiwanese should take a leaf out of the notebook of Israeli Americans and do everything in their power to ensure that the Taiwan issue becomes a focal point of elections. Closer relations between Taipei and Washington would result in a US foreign policy that is more Taiwan-centric. This influence and a Congress full of pro-Taiwan lawmakers could push to amend the US’ “one China” policy.
With the US’ “one China” policy amended, Taiwan would have a chance of becoming a member of the WHO, and draw upon the nation’s expertise in medicine and public healthcare to contribute even more broadly to the international community.
Having distinguished itself in the UN’s most important organization, Taiwan would then be in a position to knock on the door of the UN.
Michael Lin is a retired diplomat who served in the US.
Translated by Edward Jones
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval