The Ministry of Education held a news conference to ask the public and private sectors to cooperate to provide online teaching and demonstrations.
The goal of the news conference was to explain that if classes or schools are suspended due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the ministry would launch an online system for teaching and make up for missed classes.
Ways to apply for free 4G telephone numbers and discount plans were also announced, so that students from disadvantaged families would have free, unrestricted mobile access to the Internet for 15 days.
On Wednesday, I talked to a manager of a school in China for the children of Taiwanese businesspeople based in Dongguan, Guangdong Province. Students there still have not gone back to school, but the school has launched an online teaching system whereby teachers record classes at the school and post them online.
The school has stopped classes, but not studies.
Taiwan should follow suit and the ministry should take advantage of favorable public sentiment to set up a concrete and feasible online study system that includes teacher-led instruction.
More schools are closing due to the pandemic. In the past, there was dengue fever, foot-and-mouth disease, and SARS, and now it is COVID-19.
It is to be expected that similar situations could occur in the future, so such a national online system is not only necessary, it is urgent.
Such a system must be tested. The ministry should order county and city education departments to instruct schools at all levels to test an online study system to prepare for the suspension of some classes or the whole school.
They should use the simulation process to detect problems to adjust and improve the system.
The drills could be held on Saturdays, because most school activities, such as sports events, have been canceled on Saturdays and could be replaced with online teaching drills.
Parents would also be home on Saturdays, so they would be able to assist.
Finally, any electronic devices and online accounts that students need should be purchased and distributed as soon as possible.
It will be too late to start looking for tablet computers and applying for accounts after classes stop.
To help students from disadvantaged families, the 15-day free, unrestricted Internet access should be waived and they should be given access for as long as classes are suspended.
Tsai Jr-keng is a retired elementary-school principal.
Translated by Perry Svensson
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something