Nine Truku Aborigines of Mqmgi Village in Hualien County recently were charged by the police with violating the Controlling Guns, Ammunition and Knives Act (槍砲彈藥刀械管制條例) and with threatening people.
About a year ago, to safeguard their land, the nine attempted to stop a large group of tourists from flooding into the Mqmgi Scenic Area (慕谷慕魚風景區) by blocking the road and shooting a firearm into the air to claim their land rights. However, their attempt to protect their tribal land in this way resulted in police charges.
Whether the Mukumugi Scenic Area should be open to the public has been a matter of debate for many years. Beginning this year, Hualien-based tourism companies have repeatedly pressured the county government to reopen the Mqmgi Ecological Corridor, which was closed due to road damage last year. The companies say the closure of the area has caused them considerable financial difficulties.
However, the decision to reopen the area does not only involve the roads. Due to the high numbers of tourists flooding into Mqmgi Village, the area’s ecology has come under great pressure, and in addition, non-indigenous guides working for tourism companies have taken on the role of experts on Truku culture, giving arbitrary introductions to the the culture and ecology to tourists.
Although locals set up a tourist center and equipped it with local guides, most travel companies were reluctant to increase their expenses by hiring local guides. Apart from operating a few businesses that sell food and drink, most of the local people have to silently tolerate the crowds, the garbage and the environmental damage brought about by all the tourism.
However, the problems that Mqmgi faces epitomize the problems of many other indigenous villages. It is not only about conflicts between the local people’s determination to safeguard their land and tourism companies’ desire to make money, the heart of the issue is at the political level and concerns indigenous autonomy rights.
In 2002, then-president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) signed A New Partnership between the Indigenous Peoples and the Government of Taiwan (新夥伴關係) promising to grant indigenous people autonomy, inherent sovereignty and the right to use traditional natural resources.
However, things changed when President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) pro-China administration took office in 2008. As the indigenous people and their rights magnify the differences between Taiwan and China, Ma’s administration pays little attention to them. As a consequence, many bills that concern indigenous rights fail to make it through the legislature or lack real content. This is also the main reason why there are no laws for effectively controlling and managing traditional Aboriginal territory.
In contrast, other colonized societies, such as New Zealand, Australia, the US and Canada, have given many of their indigenous groups autonomy, with which they can proactively and effectively control their traditional territory. One thing that Ma is likely to be remembered for is suffocating the rights of the indigenous peoples.
Chi Chun-chieh is a professor in the Department of Ethnic Relations and Cultures at National Dong Hwa University.
Translated by Ethan Zhan
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval