The symbolism of China’s growing power was dramatized in French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s recent China visit as an exercise in smoothing relations with that country. Relations between France and China reached a crisis point in 2008 over a series of events such as protests in Paris over the Beijing Olympic torch relays, criticism of China’s human rights in Tibet and, above all, Sarkozy’s meeting with the Dalai Lama.
Beijing reacted strongly by downgrading economic and political relations with Paris. Beijing was apparently telling France and the world that any country officially hosting the Dalai Lama would have to be prepared to stand up to China or else face political and economic sanctions.
Taiwan last year managed to squeeze in a visit by the Dalai Lama when it was hit by a typhoon, without repercussions. He was invited to offer spiritual solace sought by the affected people and their political leaders who, incidentally, largely belonged to the opposition Democratic Progressive Party.
Understandably, China didn’t want to give President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) opponents more political fuel to damage the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). Ma is Beijing’s best political bet in Taiwan’s competitive political landscape.
Sarkozy’s China visit is undoubtedly an important symbol of China’s “Middle Kingdom” syndrome and an effective exercise of Beijing’s coercive diplomacy.
However, It doesn’t square with the reality of Chinese power and prosperity. In terms of raw military power, the US still remains the most powerful country in the world.
As for economic prosperity, in per capita terms, China is way behind the West and Japan, and is likely to take a long time to reach a similar level of prosperity, if ever. Yet, its spectacular economic growth and its geographical size have created the perception of a new superpower likely to overtake the US in the next two to three decades.
Increasingly, policymakers are arriving at this view, which has led them to favor accommodating and integrating China into the framework of existing international institutions that have been largely shaped by the West. It is believed that in this way, the transition to a new world order with China as a crucial component might be achieved peacefully.
According to China scholar Marc Lanteigne, “What separates China from other states and indeed previous global powers [like Germany and Japan], is that not only is it ‘growing up’ within the milieu of international institutions far more developed than ever before, but more importantly, it is doing so while making active use of these institutions to promote the country’s development of global power status.”
It is true China has made best use of the existing international institutions to exponentially increase exports (though the global economic crisis has limited that prospect), amass trade surpluses of US$2.4 trillion (and rising) and significantly increase its international profile.
At the same time, however, it is also true that when constrained in its role as an emerging global power, it doesn’t feel the need to abide by some accepted international norms — which is frustrating for the international community.
Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd best expressed this frustration in a recent speech at the Australian National University: “It doesn’t help, for example, that China associates with regimes around the world that others seek to isolate because of their assault on the integrity of the international system — from Sudan to Burma.”
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