Taiwan’s democracy is entering a new stage, not defined solely by the familiar blue-green political rivalry, but by deeper, quieter shifts within society — generational divides, language changes and the influence of new technologies. These trends could reshape Taiwan’s political culture and make it more vulnerable to external influence.
For many young Taiwanese, politics feel distant and confrontational. They often view the older generation, who fought for democracy and engaged in fierce partisan struggles, as radical and aggressive. Having been born in a democratic system, young people do not share the same visceral connection to democracy as those who lived under authoritarianism. This gap in experience has created a fracture in society not only between parties, but also between generations. Together, the divisions have fostered an environment in which outside actors might easily intervene.
China’s influence is particularly visible in the realm of language and culture. Among young Taiwanese, linguistic habits are shifting, as Chinese expressions increasingly appear in daily conversation. The change is driven by constant exposure to Chinese content — dramas, celebrities, online videos and games. Language is never neutral; when it carries cultural references and frames of thought, it subtly shapes how people perceive the world.
The growing reliance on artificial intelligence (AI) deepens this trend. Tools such as DeepSeek and ChatGPT are largely trained on Chinese data. Regular use not only normalizes certain linguistic patterns, but also risks transmitting worldviews that align more closely with China’s.
This is not to say that Taiwanese are being indoctrinated. Rather, it illustrates how soft power, mediated through technology, can quietly build an attractive image of China. As a result, fewer young people see China as an imminent threat.
Another subtle, but significant change lies in the normalization of Taiwanese identity. For older generations, identifying as Taiwanese carried a sense of resistance — a stance against authoritarianism or Chinese pressure. For those born since democratization, being Taiwanese is simply natural. While normalization is progress, it also reduces the urgency to defend that identity. Decades without direct confrontation have dulled the existential threat. If identity no longer feels at risk, the motivation to safeguard it weakens.
Meanwhile, digital behavior raises additional concerns. Increasingly, young people turn to AI tools and social media platforms as their primary sources of information. Teachers report the consequences: greater exposure to misinformation and a rising tendency to believe it. Without strong media literacy, Taiwan risks raising a generation that is highly connected, yet more vulnerable to manipulation. Schools should play a central role in building critical thinking skills to counter this risk.
These shifts do not mean that young Taiwanese are disinterested in public life. On the contrary, the Blue Bird protests and participation in recall campaigns show that civic engagement is alive. What has changed is the framework through which young people interpret democracy, identity and threats. For them, stability, opportunity and cultural openness matter more than ideological battles.
The challenge is how Taiwan can channel these evolving values into a resilient democracy. Policymakers must recognize that defending Taiwan is not only about military deterrence or international alliances. It is also about cultivating democratic commitment at home, ensuring that young people understand the privileges and responsibilities of the system.
Young people are redefining what it means to be Taiwanese in the 21st century. The question is whether this redefinition would reinforce Taiwan’s democratic identity, or erode it under the weight of external influence and complacency. The answer depends on how quickly Taiwan acts to bridge its generational divides and invest in democratic literacy.
Elaine Ko is chief officer of operation at the Taiwan NextGen Foundation, specializing in Taiwan’s political and international affairs, Taiwan-South Korea relations and human rights.
On March 22, 2023, at the close of their meeting in Moscow, media microphones were allowed to record Chinese Communist Party (CCP) dictator Xi Jinping (習近平) telling Russia’s dictator Vladimir Putin, “Right now there are changes — the likes of which we haven’t seen for 100 years — and we are the ones driving these changes together.” Widely read as Xi’s oath to create a China-Russia-dominated world order, it can be considered a high point for the China-Russia-Iran-North Korea (CRINK) informal alliance, which also included the dictatorships of Venezuela and Cuba. China enables and assists Russia’s war against Ukraine and North Korea’s
After thousands of Taiwanese fans poured into the Tokyo Dome to cheer for Taiwan’s national team in the World Baseball Classic’s (WBC) Pool C games, an image of food and drink waste left at the stadium said to have been left by Taiwanese fans began spreading on social media. The image sparked wide debate, only later to be revealed as an artificially generated image. The image caption claimed that “Taiwanese left trash everywhere after watching the game in Tokyo Dome,” and said that one of the “three bad habits” of Taiwanese is littering. However, a reporter from a Japanese media outlet
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
India is not China, and many of its residents fear it never will be. It is hard to imagine a future in which the subcontinent’s manufacturing dominates the world, its foreign investment shapes nations’ destinies, and the challenge of its economic system forces the West to reshape its own policies and principles. However, that is, apparently, what the US administration fears. Speaking in New Delhi last week, US Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau warned that “we will not make the same mistakes with India that we did with China 20 years ago.” Although he claimed the recently agreed framework