The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days.
On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power.
Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several party members announced their candidacies. The KMT then decided to delay the registration period from Monday to Friday last week, to Monday to Friday next week — a move many believe is to buy time for Lu to reconsider.
Unlike the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which is known for frequent internal debates among factions, it is rare to see the KMT with such a crowded field for its leadership, which might be a good sign of democracy.
However, while some hopefuls had declared their candidacies as early as January, April and May, others only announced their bids after the “mass recall” attempt failed and Lu declined to run, seizing the opportunity at a moment when party morale was high.
Many KMT members and supporters have voiced concern that the party’s “A-list figures” — including Lu, Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an (蔣萬安) and Taoyuan Mayor Simon Chang (張善政) — have all openly refused to enter the race.
Adding to the intrigue, Chu on Thursday said he had appointed former Broadcasting Corp of China chairman Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康) to the KMT’s central review committee chairpersons’ group. As Jaw has long been rumored to harbor ambitions for the party leadership — and membership in the committee is a prerequisite for candidacy — speculation has grown that Chu is giving him a tacit “green light.”
Unusually, some contenders have also made it clear that their ultimate goal is to pave the way for a Lu presidential bid in 2028. For example, KMT Legislator Lo Chih-chiang (羅智強) has said that if elected chairman, he would nominate Lu as the party’s presidential candidate and then hand over his post to her — prompting questions over whether some are merely running as “caretaker chairpersons” until Lu completes her mayoral term.
Another striking feature of the race is that many potential candidates are holding tight to the idea that a “blue-white” alliance with the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) is the indispensable path for the KMT to return to power. Several have even pledged formal cooperation with the TPP as a guarantee of the party’s future success.
Yet making “working with the TPP” a prerequisite for KMT leadership has created complications. For example, former Taipei mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌) has long been seen as antagonistic toward TPP founder Ko Wen-je (柯文哲), and his chairmanship could hinder the blue-white collaboration. Nevertheless, Hau surprised many last week by publicly backing Ko’s release from detention, an apparent “olive branch” to the TPP. Meanwhile, Jaw has said he would step aside if Hau were to enter the race.
This prerequisite also narrows the KMT’s own bargaining space, handing leverage to the much smaller TPP, which itself is facing major uncertainties. TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is set to vacate his legislative seat in January to run for New Taipei City mayor, while Ko was granted bail on Friday.
With morale boosted by the failed mass recall campaign, KMT supporters expect the next chairperson to deliver victory in next year’s local elections and lead the party back to power in 2028.
However, with its “superstar” Lu unwilling to shoulder the responsibility, uncertainty is spreading, and more twists are likely to emerge.
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
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