Minister of Foreign Affairs Lin Chia-lung (林佳龍) last week made a rare visit to the Philippines, which not only deepened bilateral economic ties, but also signaled a diplomatic breakthrough in the face of growing tensions with China. Lin’s trip marks the second-known visit by a Taiwanese foreign minister since Manila and Beijing established diplomatic ties in 1975; then-minister Chang Hsiao-yen (章孝嚴) took a “vacation” in the Philippines in 1997.
As Taiwan is one of the Philippines’ top 10 economic partners, Lin visited Manila and other cities to promote the Taiwan-Philippines Economic Corridor, with an eye to connecting it with the Luzon Economic Corridor launched by the Philippines, the US and Japan to boost economic development, focusing on investments in clean energy, semiconductors and agribusiness among others. This demonstrates Taiwan’s efforts to integrate into the bigger US-Japan-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and non-red supply chains to counter China’s regional influence.
Lin’s visit came after Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr in April issued a memorandum easing decades-old restrictions on official exchanges with Taiwan, while Taipei extended visa-free entry for Philippine passport holders and the two countries inked a double taxation avoidance agreement to promote bilateral investment.
Accompanied by a delegation consisting of Taiwanese and American entrepreneurs, Lin’s visit aimed to extend Taiwan-US cooperation to a third area to bolster trilateral economic development. The trip symbolizes a major breakthrough to expand Taiwan’s diplomatic space and deepen its strategic partnership with the Philippines. Such a breakthrough is not limited to economic issues, but extends to defense and security. In May, Philippine Navy spokesman Rear Admiral Roy Vincent Trinidad talked about military-to-military engagement between the two nations’ navies, and a proposal to regularize warship transits through the Taiwan Strait and potentially engage in joint military activities, as Taiwan had sent observers to the US-Philippines-Japan Kamandag military exercises this year. Taiwan’s Coast Guard Administration and its Philippine counterpart have also carried out joint patrols of the Bashi Channel.
Prior to the Manila trip, Lin had traveled to Japan in July — the first public visit by a Taiwanese foreign minister since the two nations severed official ties in 1972. Lin met with Japanese lawmakers, visited the Osaka Expo site, and inspected Taiwan’s representative office and units in Japan.
While China has protested these visits by Taiwan’s top diplomat, it is its diplomatic and military intimidation that has spurred Taiwan’s thriving interactions with Japan and the Philippines. Lin made the visits against a backdrop of rising tensions between Beijing and Manila in the South China Sea, and between Tokyo and Beijing over China’s military intrusions into Japanese territories.
While Taiwan has proposed raising its defense budget next year to a record 3.32 percent of GDP amid rising military threats from China, Tokyo in its defense white paper referred to China as “the unprecedented biggest strategic threat to Japan,” and a Philippine survey showed that more than 85 percent of Filipinos distrust China and viewed it as the greatest threat to the country.
Beijing’s aggression shows that the security challenges facing Taiwan, the Philippines and Japan are interconnected. It is pushing the three major first island chain countries to team up as an evolving defense line to restrain Chinese expansionism in the region. Seeing China’s large military parade on Wednesday to showcase its military muscle and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), standing alongside Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, declaring that “China’s great rejuvenation is unstoppable,” the alliance of Taiwan, the Philippines, Japan and Western democracies is a necessity.
Taiwanese pragmatism has long been praised when it comes to addressing Chinese attempts to erase Taiwan from the international stage. “Taipei” and the even more inaccurate and degrading “Chinese Taipei,” imposed titles required to participate in international events, are loathed by Taiwanese. That is why there was huge applause in Taiwan when Japanese public broadcaster NHK referred to the Taiwanese Olympic team as “Taiwan,” instead of “Chinese Taipei” during the opening ceremony of the Tokyo Olympics. What is standard protocol for most nations — calling a national team by the name their country is commonly known by — is impossible for
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
A recent Taipei Times editorial (“A targeted bilingual policy,” March 12, page 8) questioned how the Ministry of Education can justify spending NT$151 million (US$4.74 million) when the spotlighted achievements are English speech competitions and campus tours. It is a fair question, but it focuses on the wrong issue. The problem is not last year’s outcomes failing to meet the bilingual education vision; the issue is that the ministry has abandoned the program that originally justified such a large expenditure. In the early years of Bilingual 2030, the ministry’s K-12 Administration promoted the Bilingual Instruction in Select Domains Program (部分領域課程雙語教學實施計畫).
Former Fijian prime minister Mahendra Chaudhry spoke at the Yushan Forum in Taipei on Monday, saying that while global conflicts were causing economic strife in the world, Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy (NSP) serves as a stabilizing force in the Indo-Pacific region and offers strategic opportunities for small island nations such as Fiji, as well as support in the fields of public health, education, renewable energy and agricultural technology. Taiwan does not have official diplomatic relations with Fiji, but it is one of the small island nations covered by the NSP. Chaudhry said that Fiji, as a sovereign nation, should support