The escalating global climate crisis has evolved into a challenge intertwining social equity, economic growth and international diplomacy.
Since the signing of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992, efforts have expanded beyond policy negotiations into broader social movements. Yet, despite decades of commitments, action remains inadequate.
Scientists warn that global temperatures could breach the 1.5°C threshold within seven years, jeopardizing the Paris Agreement’s ambitions. In this high-stakes context, young people have emerged as a dynamic force, redefining climate action with innovative, grassroots approaches.
Protest is often the entry point for climate action. Greta Thunberg’s Fridays for Future grew from a lone school strike in Sweden to a global movement pressuring governments. Extinction Rebellion Youth pushed the UK government to declare a climate emergency in 2019.
In Taiwan, students have protested university investments in polluting industries, scoring wins at top institutions.
However, protests can lose momentum without clear follow-through, as seen in the US Climate Strike Alliance, which struggled due to weak organization and resources. Still, when structured effectively, they ignite deeper engagement, as young Taiwanese have demonstrated by translating campus outrage into tangible policy shifts.
Advocacy bridges raw anger and actionable change. India’s Youth for Climate secured the Air Quality Improvement Act, while the African Youth Initiative on Climate Change trained young people to integrate renewable energy into underserved communities.
Taiwan’s Green Citizens’ Action Alliance (GCAA) exemplifies this shift — beyond marches, it has shaped energy policies, including rooftop solar initiatives and amendments to the Electricity Act (電業法), laying the groundwork for the nation’s renewable transition.
Resolution is where ideas solidify into policy or legislation. The Paris Agreement, though criticized for its reliance on voluntary targets, has driven domestic policies and corporate benchmarks.
However, political shifts pose risks. The US’ Green New Deal, championed by progressives under former US president Joe Biden, stalled due to partisan gridlock and was later dismantled under US President Donald Trump. This highlights a hard truth: Even when advocacy matures into policy, it remains vulnerable. Young people must navigate this landscape with strategy, not just zeal.
Taiwan’s young people face unique challenges. Excluded from formal UNFCCC participation, they have forged alternative pathways. The Taiwan Youth Climate Coalition (TWYCC), founded in 2009, trains young leaders through mock conference of the parties (COP) simulations and amplifies Taiwan’s voice at UN climate summits.
GCAA’s policy victories have accelerated Taiwan’s renewable energy shift, while groups like Our Island use documentaries to advance marine conservation efforts. The Taiwan Environmental Information Association and Citizen of the Earth foundation further enrich the nation’s environmental landscape.
However, lean budgets and diplomatic isolation limit their reach. TWYCC, for instance, attends COP as observers, not decisionmakers. Despite these hurdles, Taiwan’s young people employ digital diplomacy and regional alliances to maintain global engagement.
Across the world and in Taiwan, climate action thrives when protest, advocacy and resolution align, transforming grassroots momentum into lasting change. Young people bring fresh ideas and determination to a crisis they would outlive. Yet, co-optation remains a risk — politicians and vested interests can exploit their efforts.
Taiwan’s geopolitical constraints intensify this challenge, yet its youth persist, blending local achievements with global dialogue. As climate stakes rise their role is not just vital — it is a model for turning urgency into impact.
Jack Huang is a Taipei-based research fellow at the UN.
With the Year of the Snake reaching its conclusion on Monday next week, now is an opportune moment to reflect on the past year — a year marked by institutional strain and national resilience. For Taiwan, the Year of the Snake was a composite of political friction, economic momentum, social unease and strategic consolidation. In the political sphere, it was defined less by legislative productivity and more by partisan confrontation. The mass recall movement sought to remove 31 Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators following the passage of controversial bills that expanded legislative powers and imposed sweeping budget cuts. While the effort
When Hong Kong’s High Court sentenced newspaper owner Jimmy Lai (黎智英) to 20 years in prison this week, officials declared that his “heinous crimes” had long poisoned society and that his punishment represented justice restored. In their telling, Lai is the mastermind of Hong Kong’s unrest — the architect of a vast conspiracy that manipulated an otherwise contented population into defiance. They imply that removing him would lead to the return of stability. It is a politically convenient narrative — and a profoundly false one. Lai did not radicalize Hong Kong. He belonged to the same generation that fled from the Chinese
There is a story in India about a boy called Prahlad who was an ardent worshipper of Lord Narayana, whom his father considered an enemy. His son’s devotion vexed the father to the extent that he asked his sister, Holika, who could not be burned by fire, to sit with the boy in her lap and burn him to death. Prahlad knew about this evil plan, but sat in his aunt’s lap anyway. His faith won, as he remained unscathed by the fire, while his aunt was devoured by the flames. In some small way, Prahlad reminds me of Taiwan
Former Hong Kong media magnate Jimmy Lai (黎智英), who on Monday was sentenced to 20 years in jail for his role in the 2019 Hong Kong democracy movement and “colluding with foreign forces,” once called on members of the US government for support in his struggle against the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Speaking to a forum at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in July 2019, Lai, speaking about the US having the moral authority over the CCP, said: “It’s like they are going to battle without any weapon, and you have the nuclear weapon. You can finish them in