As investigators attempted to arrest South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol on Friday morning, his supporters gathered outside the presidential residence waving two national flags: the South Korean Taegukgi alongside the American Stars and Stripes.
To outsiders, the unexpected combination might seem baffling, but to Yoon’s supporters, the US represents more than an ally: It is a perceived ideal. The symbolism of the US flag is a declaration of a broader cultural and spiritual order they believe is under threat.
Holding both flags outside Yoon’s residence on Friday, 74-year-old Pyeong In-su said the police had to be stopped by “patriotic citizens” and he hoped US president-elect Donald Trump could come to Yoon’s aid.
“I hope after Trump’s inauguration he can use his influence to help our country get back on the right track,” he said, as he waved both flags with the message: “Let’s go together” in English and Korean.
While pro-Yoon groups criticize their opponents as being subservient to North Korea, they openly venerate the US.
They frequently remind followers that the US liberated Korea from Japanese colonial rule and defended it during the Korean War of 1950 to 1953, casting the US as a divine protector of democracy embedded in Christian values.
Over recent years, these groups, which remain a fringe element of South Korean society, have increasingly adopted rhetoric from the US right, particularly around claims of election fraud.
This narrative has intensified since Yoon’s short-lived declaration of martial law last month, which he justified by claiming electoral manipulation and the presence of “pro-North Korean, anti-state forces” — actions that led to his impeachment and arrest warrant.
With echoes of claims of election denial movements in the US, a Korea Research poll released last week showed that 65 percent of Yoon’s conservative People Power Party supporters believe the parliamentary elections in April last year were fraudulent, despite only 29 percent of the general public sharing this view.
The elections saw the opposition parties including the Democratic party win a decisive victory, securing 192 seats in the 300-seat parliament. No major election observers or court has raised concerns about the vote, with fraud claims debunked as unsubstantiated.
Regardless, the allegations have been amplified through a network of far-right YouTube channels, where conservative commentators livestream the rallies and promote a wide range of conspiracy theories.
These online echo chambers, which Yoon himself has been accused of relying on for information, have become key platforms for spreading unfounded claims and maintaining supporter morale.
In South Korea and the US, similar tactics have been observed: questioning election integrity, claiming moral authority through religious values and portraying political opponents as enemies of the state.
The unlikely links between the movements can be traced back to the rise in evangelical Protestant churches in South Korea, which form the backbone of Yoon’s most ardent support base.
Many of these churches were founded by Christians who fled communist persecution in North Korea before the Korean War, embedding a fierce anti-communist ideology into their religious identity.
These churches, including the influential Sarang Jeil Church led by populist pastor Jeon Gwang-hoon, hold regular rallies in central Seoul’s Gwanghwamun Square to denounce any opposition as “communist forces” who deserve the death penalty.
Their weekly gatherings often feature simultaneous English translation on stage and livestreams targeting US audiences, with US bank account details displayed for international donations.
The impeached leader has also tapped into the messaging. On New Year’s Day, Yoon himself reinforced their narrative in a defiant message to supporters, warning of “forces infringing on sovereignty” while vowing to “fight until the end.” He admitted to watching their YouTube broadcasts.
At Friday’s rally outside his residence, protesters held banners in Korean claiming “election fraud” and in English, “Stop The Steal.” When asked for specific evidence of electoral manipulation, none could answer.
Raphael Rashid is a Seoul-based freelance journalist and author of The Korea We Refuse to See.
When US budget carrier Southwest Airlines last week announced a new partnership with China Airlines, Southwest’s social media were filled with comments from travelers excited by the new opportunity to visit China. Of course, China Airlines is not based in China, but in Taiwan, and the new partnership connects Taiwan Taoyuan International Airport with 30 cities across the US. At a time when China is increasing efforts on all fronts to falsely label Taiwan as “China” in all arenas, Taiwan does itself no favors by having its flagship carrier named China Airlines. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is eager to jump at
The muting of the line “I’m from Taiwan” (我台灣來欸), sung in Hoklo (commonly known as Taiwanese), during a performance at the closing ceremony of the World Masters Games in New Taipei City on May 31 has sparked a public outcry. The lyric from the well-known song All Eyes on Me (世界都看見) — originally written and performed by Taiwanese hip-hop group Nine One One (玖壹壹) — was muted twice, while the subtitles on the screen showed an alternate line, “we come here together” (阮作伙來欸), which was not sung. The song, performed at the ceremony by a cheerleading group, was the theme
Secretary of State Marco Rubio raised eyebrows recently when he declared the era of American unipolarity over. He described America’s unrivaled dominance of the international system as an anomaly that was created by the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the Cold War. Now, he observed, the United States was returning to a more multipolar world where there are great powers in different parts of the planet. He pointed to China and Russia, as well as “rogue states like Iran and North Korea” as examples of countries the United States must contend with. This all begs the question:
Liberals have wasted no time in pointing to Karol Nawrocki’s lack of qualifications for his new job as president of Poland. He has never previously held political office. He won by the narrowest of margins, with 50.9 percent of the vote. However, Nawrocki possesses the one qualification that many national populists value above all other: a taste for physical strength laced with violence. Nawrocki is a former boxer who still likes to go a few rounds. He is also such an enthusiastic soccer supporter that he reportedly got the logos of his two favorite teams — Chelsea and Lechia Gdansk —
RSS