A recent Twitter spat between influencer Andrew Tate and climate activist Greta Thunberg epitomized the eco gender gap. Tweeting at the activist, Tate — the epitome of a man who views saving the planet as a threat to his masculinity — boasted about the “enormous emissions” of his luxury car collection, to which Thunberg replied with a takedown that ranks as the fourth-most liked Twitter post ever.
“There’s a direct association between machismo and the refusal to recognize and respond appropriately to the climate catastrophe,” columnist Rebecca Solnit wrote.
While some might laugh off an online dispute between two high-profile individuals, the differences between how women and men respond to global warming are well documented. Recent studies have shown that only 59 percent of men in the UK are committed to a green lifestyle, compared with 71 percent of women, and that men are less likely than women to recycle and consume environmentally friendly products.
Illustration: Yusha
This gap has been attributed to some men’s perception of environmental justice as a feminine pursuit.
With air pollution from fossil fuels killing millions of people each year (many of whom live in the Global South), we have a clear ethical obligation to combat climate change. As sexism evidently harms the capacity to act rationally in this regard, we need to clarify and transform the perceived relationship between climate change, gender stereotypes and rationality.
Like all gender gaps, this one is the result of deceptive and biased thinking — the opposite of rationality. It is this, not emotion, that undermines reason.
Emotions make us human, not irrational. Bias, whatever its cause, is what makes people incapable of objectivity, and it underlies the entrenched gender stereotype that women are emotional while men are rational. This stereotype is a well-known cause of gender inequality. A point that is seldom addressed is how the stereotype relies on an idea of rationality that is limited in the first place.
Rationality is not simply “the ability to use knowledge to attain goals,” as the cognitive and evolutionary psychologist Steven Pinker wrote in his book Rationality: What It Is, Why It Seems Scarce, Why It Matters. Nor is it merely a philosophical concept to submit to logical and metaphysical examinations. Rationality has also become an overarching moral framework with deep sociopolitical implications.
Our understanding of rationality can influence political strategy, shape policy design, and inform our relationship with the natural world. We cannot change these domains without questioning our understanding of rationality.
The eco gender gap clearly demonstrates how rationality functions as a moral framework, and why it needs rethinking. A research project in Sweden found a correlation between a “sturdy belief in ... science rationality” and climate skepticism among a group of influential older men in academia, indicating that the problem extends well beyond far-right influencers such as Tate.
The rationalism of the Enlightenment was of course at the root of industrialization and the evolution of modernity. Despite its many important contributions, it is also a significantly oppressive framework.
From dualism and techno-solutionism to effective altruism and international development models, our world is shaped by a scientific doctrine stemming from the idea that rationality is strictly to do with data, quantification, analytics and methodological sense-making, and that these traits are tied to whiteness, masculine identity and separation from nature.
There are other ways to think about rationality, and we need them desperately. The German philosopher Jurgen Habermas, for example, distinguishes between what he refers to as “communicative rationality,” which views rationality as depending on successful communication and a consensus of actors, and “cognitive-instrumental rationality,” the mechanistic type of rationality that shapes modern society.
Among the feminist, postcolonial and pan-African spaces where I work, there are numerous important critiques of rationality. One such body of work was created by black feminist thinker Audre Lorde, who wrote about the “non-European consciousness” that elucidates reality not only through rationalizing, but also through phenomena such as the erotic and the poetic.
I experienced the latter during a COVID-19 lockdown, when I had climate-related nightmares — perhaps the most vivid being a sudden hailstorm on a sunny summer beach. These could be described as a type of eco-poetic rationality that the political theorist Stephanie Erev refers to as “feeling the vibrations.”
Sure, conventional rational thought can explain unexpected weather changes, but when I learned that many others were also having climate dreams, I could not discard this eco-poetic way of knowing as irrelevant to the broader discussion of the planetary crisis.
To be clear, I am not a relativist when it comes to knowledge. I do not believe that all ways of knowing are equal in every context. There are instances when objectivity and impartiality should be privileged, especially when questions concern scientific knowledge.
When it comes to knowledge itself, we need to embrace multiple perspectives and a pluralist approach to reduce normative biases. Even if all ways of knowing are not equal in every context, they are all relevant.
For as long as I can remember, my temperament has been informed by a need to break free of social norms. When I first started exploring feminism as a tool for doing so, I thought of these norms as structural: patriarchy, white supremacy, neocolonialism.
However, I increasingly recognized that the prison was also intellectual, in the truest sense of the word: relating to what, why and how we know. Thus, to break free from structures of oppression, one must fight for an intellectual revolution as well, by returning to the source of knowledge itself.
In a world confronting what many are calling a “polycrisis,” disrupting the dominant framework of rationality with an intersectional approach to knowledge is not only a feminist ideal. As the Tate-Thunberg exchange reminds us, it is necessary for humanity and the planet to flourish.
Minna Salami is founder of the blog MsAfropolitan and the author of Sensuous Knowledge: A Black Feminist Approach for Everyone.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
The term “assassin’s mace” originates from Chinese folklore, describing a concealed weapon used by a weaker hero to defeat a stronger adversary with an unexpected strike. In more general military parlance, the concept refers to an asymmetric capability that targets a critical vulnerability of an adversary. China has found its modern equivalent of the assassin’s mace with its high-altitude electromagnetic pulse (HEMP) weapons, which are nuclear warheads detonated at a high altitude, emitting intense electromagnetic radiation capable of disabling and destroying electronics. An assassin’s mace weapon possesses two essential characteristics: strategic surprise and the ability to neutralize a core dependency.
Chinese President and Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping (習近平) said in a politburo speech late last month that his party must protect the “bottom line” to prevent systemic threats. The tone of his address was grave, revealing deep anxieties about China’s current state of affairs. Essentially, what he worries most about is systemic threats to China’s normal development as a country. The US-China trade war has turned white hot: China’s export orders have plummeted, Chinese firms and enterprises are shutting up shop, and local debt risks are mounting daily, causing China’s economy to flag externally and hemorrhage internally. China’s
During the “426 rally” organized by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party under the slogan “fight green communism, resist dictatorship,” leaders from the two opposition parties framed it as a battle against an allegedly authoritarian administration led by President William Lai (賴清德). While criticism of the government can be a healthy expression of a vibrant, pluralistic society, and protests are quite common in Taiwan, the discourse of the 426 rally nonetheless betrayed troubling signs of collective amnesia. Specifically, the KMT, which imposed 38 years of martial law in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, has never fully faced its
When a recall campaign targeting the opposition Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators was launched, something rather disturbing happened. According to reports, Hualien County Government officials visited several people to verify their signatures. Local authorities allegedly used routine or harmless reasons as an excuse to enter people’s house for investigation. The KMT launched its own recall campaigns, targeting Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) lawmakers, and began to collect signatures. It has been found that some of the KMT-headed counties and cities have allegedly been mobilizing municipal machinery. In Keelung, the director of the Department of Civil Affairs used the household registration system