To reduce Taiwan’s reliance on the Chinese economy, seek international partners and strengthen exchanges with Southeast Asian nations, the government introduced the New Southbound Policy. The cultivation of Southeast Asian language talent is a key foundation of that strategy.
According to Ministry of Education data for the academic year 2018-2019, about 90,000 elementary and junior-high school students in Taiwan are second-generation immigrants from Southeast Asia. These students should be the talent pool that the policy relies on, but in reality, many of them fall behind in school.
Due to economic difficulties, many first-generation immigrants from Southeast Asia send their preschool-age children to their home countries and bring them back to Taiwan when they reach school age.
These children might encounter serious difficulties in Taiwan due to their poor Chinese-language skills.
To help transnational students adapt to life in Taiwan, the ministry launched a Chinese-language remedial teaching program in 2004, but three problems with the policy remain.
First, it is poorly promoted. Although the number of applications for the program is gradually increasing, the number of transnational students who are not enrolled remains high.
When the ministry held a meeting on the issue in 2018, many local governments did not even send representatives, saying that there was no need for such a program in their counties and districts.
Some schools are also not aware that the program exists, and if they do, there is no contact for their applications at the local governments. Schools have to contact the ministry’s K-12 Education Administration by themselves, and a teacher will not be assigned until their application is approved by the administration.
The ministry should promote the program more actively and cooperate with local governments to establish decentralized application mechanisms, so that potential talent among transnational students is not wasted due to the long wait.
Second, qualified teachers are lacking. During the time-consuming application process, schools often invite immigrant volunteers or older second-generation students to act as temporary tutors. Despite their enthusiasm, these tutors are not professional teachers and might have to make a greater effort to achieve lesser results.
The ministry should cooperate with universities to include students from Chinese-language teaching departments in the program. This would allow students to gain practical experience, and they could potentially be sent to Southeast Asian countries in the future.
The ministry could also recruit Chinese-language teachers with teaching experience in Southeast Asia. Since they have an understanding of cultural similarities and differences between Taiwan and Southeast Asian nations, they could also provide cultural assistance to second-generation immigrant students.
Third, the most crucial problem is integration. Schools usually find transnational students by searching new student data at the beginning of a semester, and only then prepare to file an application for the program. Thus schools might miss the best time for instruction.
The ministry, the National Immigration Agency and the local household registration offices should push for data integration. They should track the schooling of immigrant children, and take the initiative to inform schools of second-generation immigrants returning to Taiwan.
Louis Yin is a legislative assistant.
Translated by Eddy Chang
As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its People’s Liberation Army (PLA) reach the point of confidence that they can start and win a war to destroy the democratic culture on Taiwan, any future decision to do so may likely be directly affected by the CCP’s ability to promote wars on the Korean Peninsula, in Europe, or, as most recently, on the Indian subcontinent. It stands to reason that the Trump Administration’s success early on May 10 to convince India and Pakistan to deescalate their four-day conventional military conflict, assessed to be close to a nuclear weapons exchange, also served to
China on May 23, 1951, imposed the so-called “17-Point Agreement” to formally annex Tibet. In March, China in its 18th White Paper misleadingly said it laid “firm foundations for the region’s human rights cause.” The agreement is invalid in international law, because it was signed under threat. Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, head of the Tibetan delegation sent to China for peace negotiations, was not authorized to sign the agreement on behalf of the Tibetan government and the delegation was made to sign it under duress. After seven decades, Tibet remains intact and there is global outpouring of sympathy for Tibetans. This realization
After India’s punitive precision strikes targeting what New Delhi called nine terrorist sites inside Pakistan, reactions poured in from governments around the world. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) issued a statement on May 10, opposing terrorism and expressing concern about the growing tensions between India and Pakistan. The statement noticeably expressed support for the Indian government’s right to maintain its national security and act against terrorists. The ministry said that it “works closely with democratic partners worldwide in staunch opposition to international terrorism” and expressed “firm support for all legitimate and necessary actions taken by the government of India
The recent aerial clash between Pakistan and India offers a glimpse of how China is narrowing the gap in military airpower with the US. It is a warning not just for Washington, but for Taipei, too. Claims from both sides remain contested, but a broader picture is emerging among experts who track China’s air force and fighter jet development: Beijing’s defense systems are growing increasingly credible. Pakistan said its deployment of Chinese-manufactured J-10C fighters downed multiple Indian aircraft, although New Delhi denies this. There are caveats: Even if Islamabad’s claims are accurate, Beijing’s equipment does not offer a direct comparison