In 2000, the number of live births in Taiwan was 305,312. That figure declined to 260,354 the year after and 247,530 the next, a drop of 57,782 in two years — a significant decline. As those who were born in 2001 and 2002 finish senior-high school this year and next, universities face a critical enrollment challenge.
After the registration period for the General Scholastic Ability Test closed not long ago, the College Entrance Examination Center said that the number of registrants dropped by more than 5,000 compared with the previous test. Although registration for the Technological and Vocational Education Entrance Examination is still open, the number of registrants is expected to shrink significantly for that as well.
As higher-education institutions face their first major drop in student numbers, what countermeasures have universities and the Ministry of Education planned to alleviate the situation?
On the assumption that enrollment would drop by 25,000 next year, for every university that enrolls 1,000 students, there will be 25 that are unable to enroll any at all. At the very least, every institution will enroll fewer students, with some affected worse than others.
In particular, less-prestigious private universities in more remote areas are at a loss over what to do.
Private institutions are constantly calling on public ones to reduce their enrollment numbers, but as there are only 45 national universities — which is less than half of the more than 100 private universities nationwide — it would be difficult to solve the problem by reducing enrollment numbers at public institutions. Besides, enrollment numbers have already been approved by the ministry.
As the Chinese saying goes: “A slow remedy cannot do much to solve an urgent problem.”
Private universities used to be able to expand their rolls by attracting Chinese students, but due to cross-strait tensions, that is no longer an option.
In compliance with the government’s New Southbound Policy, private institutions have instead turned to Southeast Asian nations in their search.
As many students from this region are economically disadvantaged, it would be better if they could study and work at the same time, which would help alleviate the nation’s labor shortage.
However, the hypocritical government imposes strict controls on the working status of foreign students, complicating things for education providers and companies. As a result, the supply of students from Southeast Asia is limited.
This was a good policy at the outset, as factories were able to find workers, institutions were able to recruit students, and students were able to study and obtain diplomas. With reasonable regulations, all parties could benefit.
Today, many private universities are operating at a loss, but are still unwilling to dissolve and liquidate.
Article 74 of the Private School Act (私立學校法) says: Unless the corporate entity “is merged, the property remaining after it dissolves and liquidates shall by no means be handed over to natural persons or for-profit organizations.”
The law also states that the property can only be “donated to public schools or juridical persons engaged in educational, cultural or social welfare undertakings” per the board’s resolution and the corporate entity’s approval, or handed over the city or county in which the corporate entity is located.
Closing down a private university is of no benefit to anyone, so there is no incentive for a board of directors to do so. If an institute were to donate its assets to other public schools or social welfare groups, they could become a “hot potato” due to the complex relationship between obligations and creditors’ rights, not to mention retrenchments and severance pay for faculty, as well as the transfer of students.
The result is that the ministry and university boards procrastinate. This is exactly why a bill on private university and college dissolution remains stuck between the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan.
Higher education in Taiwan faces a perfect storm created by a low birthrate and everyone will be affected. No one can guarantee that the nation’s universities and colleges will survive, as it is hard to find a safe route through stormy seas. Will the government at least be able to come up with a rescue plan after the storm passes?
Chang Ruay-shiung is the president of National Taipei University of Business.
Translated by Eddy Chang
From the Iran war and nuclear weapons to tariffs and artificial intelligence, the agenda for this week’s Beijing summit between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) is packed. Xi would almost certainly bring up Taiwan, if only to demonstrate his inflexibility on the matter. However, no one needs to meet with Xi face-to-face to understand his stance. A visit to the National Museum of China in Beijing — in particular, the “Road to Rejuvenation” exhibition, which chronicles the rise and rule of the Chinese Communist Party — might be even more revealing. Xi took the members
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) on Friday used their legislative majority to push their version of a special defense budget bill to fund the purchase of US military equipment, with the combined spending capped at NT$780 billion (US$24.78 billion). The bill, which fell short of the Executive Yuan’s NT$1.25 trillion request, was passed by a 59-0 margin with 48 abstentions in the 113-seat legislature. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), who reportedly met with TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) for a private meeting before holding a joint post-vote news conference, was said to have mobilized her
Taiwan’s higher education system is facing an existential crisis. As the demographic drop-off continues to empty classrooms, universities across the island are locked in a desperate battle for survival, international student recruitment and crucial Ministry of Education funding. To win this battle, institutions have turned to what seems like an objective measure of quality: global university rankings. Unfortunately, this chase is a costly illusion, and taxpayers are footing the bill. In the past few years, the goalposts have shifted from pure research output to “sustainability” and “societal impact,” largely driven by commercial metrics such as the UK-based Times Higher Education (THE) Impact
The inter-Korean relationship, long defined by national division, offers the clearest mirror within East Asia for cross-strait relations. Yet even there, reunification language is breaking down. The South Korean government disclosed on Wednesday last week that North Korea’s constitutional revision in March had deleted references to reunification and added a territorial clause defining its border with South Korea. South Korea is also seriously debating whether national reunification with North Korea is still necessary. On April 27, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung marked the eighth anniversary of the Panmunjom Declaration, the 2018 inter-Korean agreement in which the two Koreas pledged to