Well, originally I wanted to stay away from writing about the movement to recall the president as much as possible. But then everything got crazy. I just can't ignore some of these recent events.
First, Ting Wan-ming (丁萬鳴), who The Associated Press describes as "a veteran journalist from the pro-opposition United Daily News (UDN)," managed, with one single act, to offer indisputable proof of every criticism I have ever leveled at the Chinese-language media. Namely, that journalists and editors have no professional ethics, no detachment, are unable to -- or do not care to -- discern the difference between speculation and fact, and do not understand the very simple concept that an independent and objective media is essential to a democracy.
During an awards ceremony that one presumes Ting had been invited to attend in his professional capacity, the "journalist" (I put sneer marks around it because he is clearly unworthy of the title) stood up and began waving a banner and screaming "Step down A-bian!" at the president. (For the uninitiated, "A-bian" is President Chen Shui-bian's (
Obviously, security intervened. We learn from our very own Taipei Times that "Ting said he was expressing himself on behalf of `the 60 percent of the Taiwanese public' that want Chen Shui-bian to step down, because it was difficult for them to send a message to the president directly."
Except by voting, of course. And, not to nitpick, but I had always been under the impression that the role of the media was to keep watch over the government for the public's benefit, not to intercede in political affairs on behalf of the public.
But then, I never benefited from the fine journalistic education one obviously receives at the UDN. If they have a formal training program, it must look something like this:
Day 1: How to Read.
Day 2: How to Write.
Day 3: How to Make Things Up.
Day 4: Ten Quick and Easy Ways to Libel.
Day 5: Objectivity -- What's the Point?
Day 6: Bias, Activism and You -- How to Become the Story.
And on the seventh day, no doubt, they rest, look upon their work, and think that it is good.
I learned from an acquaintance, who shall remain nameless (because I now refuse to publicly associate with anyone from the UDN), that Ting was transferred to a "non-editorial position" -- a symbolic slap on the wrist. I'll have to check back in a few months to see if he gets promoted once the furor dies down.
There was another little event on Thursday night that is simply too good to pass up. There is even a slight chance that careful viewers might have caught it on television -- it played several thousand times on every channel and graced the front pages of most local newspapers.
The event, of course, was Lin Cheng-chieh (
Hmm. I'm almost at a loss for words. Almost.
Now, I've never been a really big fan of Chin or his magazine, Contemporary Monthly. In the jargon of the industry, Chin is what we call a "media whore." Unfortunately, unlike most professional media whores, Chin does not "give good quote," to use the expression of a former colleague of mine from the Asian Wall Street Journal. But just because I don't like him doesn't mean I want to see him beaten up (although it had its moments).
Meanwhile, Lin's professional trajectory basically sums up everything that went wrong with the DPP.
According to the Bible, God sent his son Jesus Christ down to Earth as the embodiment of his love for man. According to Johnny, God sent Lin down to Taiwan as the embodiment of failure and bitterness.
Lin was one of the few Mainlanders involved in the early movement to create a multiparty democracy in Taiwan, which is commonly called the dangwai. During the 1980s, Lin, Chen Shui-bian and former premier Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) were known as "The Three Musketeers" of the Taipei City Council for their political and rhetorical skill.
Eventually, Lin rose to become a legislator, while the relative political success of the other two musketeers is self-evident. But all things must end, and Lin increasingly started to come into conflict with his party. He just couldn't buck the stereotype that Mainlanders want Taiwan to unify with China.
In the end, he quit the DPP, and has been making the late-night talk show rounds ever since -- the Taiwanese political equivalent to the Hollywood star who was big way back when, but now makes a living hawking hair growth treatments ("I'm not just a spokesman for Hair Club for Men, I'm also a client!).
Well, if Chin follows through on his threat to sue the big bully, Lin's probably going to add "convicted criminal" to his list of titles, joining an exclusive club of Taiwanese political figures that includes, well, half of the Legislative Yuan.
I won't bother to babble about how terrible it is for Taiwan's political divisions to swell to the extent that violence has usurped reasonable debate.
All I can really say is this, and I hope my female readers will forgive my use of the expression: Lin, you slap like a girl. If you're brave enough to risk getting your ass kicked rhetorically and physically, try taking on a real man.
Try taking on Vice President Annette Lu (
Heard or read something particularly objectionable about Taiwan? Johnny wants to know: dearjohnny@taipeitimes.com is the place to reach me, with "Dear Johnny" in the subject line.
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
Media said that several pan-blue figures — among them former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairwoman Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), former KMT legislator Lee De-wei (李德維), former KMT Central Committee member Vincent Hsu (徐正文), New Party Chairman Wu Cheng-tien (吳成典), former New Party legislator Chou chuan (周荃) and New Party Deputy Secretary-General You Chih-pin (游智彬) — yesterday attended the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) military parade commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. China’s Xinhua news agency reported that foreign leaders were present alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean leader Kim
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had