In the middle of last month, former Tunisian president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali was ousted in the “Jasmine Revolution.” This was followed by anti--government demonstrations in Egypt, with protesters demanding the resignation of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Yemen was next. It seems that the fire of political reform has been lit and is sweeping across the Islamic world from North Africa to the southern Arabian Peninsula.
People in these post--colonial states have had enough. Their anger has boiled over and they have taken to the streets demanding political reform and a change in their government. The anger that had previously been directed at the colonial powers is now being aimed at their own authoritarian rulers.
Late last month, Chinese tycoon Chen Guangbiao (陳光標) visited Taiwan and reportedly donated more than NT$500 million (US$17.3 million) to poor Taiwanese. Chen’s donations were like a slap in the face of the government of President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), who has pledged to boost the economy.
As chairman of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), Ma inherited a party system from the Chiang (蔣) family. How many years has this system existed? There is also a very strong likelihood that Ma will be the party’s candidate in next year’s presidential election. Can this be true?
The Chinese translation of the influential German Jewish political theorist Hannah Arendt’s, The Promise of Politics, was published in December. In the book she asks if politics actually creates problems, if we could live without it and what would then happen?
This is certainly worth pondering. Without politics, would it finally be possible for people to have the freedom that they long for?
Arendt asks: “What is politics?” I think a simple answer would suffice: Politics is really all about “freedom.”
I use this specific word for a reason and I wonder what it means to ordinary Taiwanese or to our politicians.
Taiwan emerged from a dictatorship to become a free and democratic nation. The KMT has been in power for many years — years characterized by a lack of freedom and democracy. Despite the fact that we are now free and enjoy democracy, the power the KMT gained during the Martial Law era has yet to be truly deconstructed.
Taiwanese suffered strife and calamities during this period, but many seem to have forgotten this. The privileges still accorded military personnel, civil servants and school teachers are a direct product of the KMT’s “party-state system” ideology. This issue is still with us.
During its history, the KMT has been equally comfortable with an anti-communist and a pro-communist stance. At this point in time, it is collaborating with the communists.
This is being done in bad faith. It is the government going back on its promises and is tantamount to conning the public. All the KMT cares about is staying in power. In a way, it doesn’t really matter if it regards Taiwan as a geographical base, a battlefield or a colony. In the end, it all boils down to the same thing.
Advocates of change would do well to look into what Arendt says about political ideology in her book and think seriously about the implications. They should not just gloss over it.
Lazy thinking leads to impoverished ideas. And impoverished ideas cannot rouse the public to push for reform and progress.
Lee Min-yung is a poet.
TRANSLATED BY EDDY CHANG
KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) recent visit to Beijing and her upcoming visit to Washington will serve as a high-level test of her diplomatic mettle. In Beijing, Cheng was received with symbolic gestures, a warm reception, and high-level access. In Washington, she will receive far less pomp and far sharper questions about the KMT’s vision for the future of Taiwan. Her challenge will be to persuade Washington that the KMT’s engagement with China can coexist with strong deterrence. Cheng’s April 7-12 visit to mainland China coincided with an intense period of conflict in Iran. Despite the strategic significance of Cheng’s trip,
The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has sent the vast Asian chemicals industry into a tailspin. Deprived of the likes of Qatari natural gas and Saudi Arabian oil, the region’s fertilizer and plastics plants are slowing production or even shutting down. Everywhere except China, that is. In petrochemicals, China is unique. As well as a traditional industry that uses oil and gas as feedstock, it has parallel output that relies on its abundant domestic coal. Unsurprisingly, India and other regional powers want to copy and paste the Chinese method. This would not be easy — or climate friendly. The
US President Donald Trump recently repeated his claim that “Taiwan stole America’s chip industry,” reigniting public debate on the issue. As a former Taiwanese minister of economic affairs and an entrepreneur deeply involved in semiconductor supply chain development, I feel a responsibility to clarify this misunderstanding. From the perspective of global industrial evolution and the economic principle of comparative advantage, such a statement appears overly simplistic and risks obscuring the essence of the issue. The rise of Taiwan’s semiconductor industry was not built on “replacing America,” but rather emerged as a result of countries pursuing different development paths within the
Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto says he knows how to fix the problems facing Indonesia. Yet his economic mismanagement and authoritarian tendencies are steering the nation toward a familiar mix of currency instability and political chaos. The world’s fourth-most populous nation risks reversing the hard-won democratic and business reforms that came after the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. At that time, the rupiah collapsed and the political upheaval that followed forced former president Haji Mohamed Suharto from power. Prabowo’s administration is ignoring similar warning signs. That disconnect was apparent in a national address on Wednesday, when Prabowo projected the swagger that has