During the Cultural Revolution, the Chinese took pride in standing alone against the evils of imperialism, revisionism and anti-revolutionary behavior. Caught up in the moment, I fear they let it go to their heads. There was a song, very popular back then, that went something like this: “The wind is blowing from the east, the war drums are starting to beat, who shall cower should we meet? We do not fear the American imperialists, it is they who fear us!” As to who fears whom now, the current dispute over the Diaoyutai Islands (釣魚台) is a useful litmus test.
There are three actors in this drama: The Japanese government, the Chinese government and the Chinese people.
After the initial incident on Sept. 7, when a Chinese fishing vessel collided with two Japanese patrol boats in disputed waters and Japan detained the captain, Beijing embarked on a string of publicity-grabbing protestations to intimidate a Japanese government regarded as pro-China. Japan initially refused to budge, insisting on proceeding in accordance with the law. Beijing responded with a series of gradual escalations, eventually encouraging the public to stage demonstrations.
On Sept. 15, the Chinese People’s Group told the Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun it would hold an anti-Japanese demonstration on Sept. 18th with the blessing of the government, something Beijing itself did not deny. Despite concerns that the demonstration would descend into violence, the Japanese government remained firm. Strangely, the established group in China concerned with protecting the Diaoyutais said they had no plans to demonstrate.
When news of another protest emerged, spurred on by Beijing’s tacit approval of the previous one, the government became concerned things might get out of hand. Peking University students were advised not to take part, two human rights activists were arrested in Guangdong, proponents of China’s territorial claims on the Diaoyutais were put under surveillance and plainclothes police were stationed outside dissident writer Yu Jie’s (余杰) home.
With these intimidation tactics Beijing managed to contain the anti-Japanese demonstrations to a handful of cities. Talk of official approval was merely an attempt to intimidate Japan.
How did it get to this point? The answer lies, perhaps, in an extract, removed from the Internet not long after its was originally posted, by China’s foremost blogger, Han Han (韓寒). In the blog, Han said that protests about external issues held by people prevented from holding even peaceful demonstrations about domestic matters are nothing more than choreographed performances, and as such have very little meaning.
In other words, ordinary people could see through the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) machinations and refused to play along. In fact, more people usually turn out to protest against the government, suggesting that Beijing’s biggest problem is not the Japanese government, but the Chinese themselves.
Further escalation was the only alternative, meaning economic reprisals and the suspension of a number of diplomatic channels. Both of these mark a departure from previous policy. China has always maintained economic reprisals end up hurting both sides, something it seems to have disregarded this time. Beijing has also tried to keep “the government” and “the people” separate. The fact that it seems to have mixed the two up here shows it is beginning to panic.
Had the Japanese authorities not released the captain, as they did on Friday, the next step would have been to mobilize the military. It is unlikely, however, that China would have been prepared to go to war over this issue. Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) is intent on visiting the US soon, which he hopes will strengthen his authority; now is not the time for China to test the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the US and Japan.
The fact that the paper tiger was exposed for what it is overseas was irrelevant: The point was not to lose face at home.
I find it laughable that Beijing saw fit to get the Hong Kong media to create the impression that China was baring its fangs for a cowering Japan when Japan held out for so long.
Taiwan’s government also decided to get involved, sending 12 ships to protect its interests around the Diaoyutais on Sept. 13. President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) might not want to shy away from a fight, but to many Chinese, Han Han included, his timing suggests support for Beijing.
Paul Lin is a Taipei-based political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY PAUL COOPER
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) on Tuesday returned from her visit to the US, where she had met with several US senators and representatives, think tanks, and overseas Taiwanese and Chinese communities, espousing her vision of promoting cross-strait dialogue as a way to evade war. On Monday last week, she sat down with US academic Orville Schell and Asia Society Policy Institute distinguished fellow Daniel Russel. Russel is a seasoned diplomat who has served in positions related to East Asian and Indo-Pacific affairs. At the conclusion of the discussion, Russel employed his considerable diplomatic experience and knowledge
I arrived in Taiwan when I was 18, fresh out of high school and trying to navigate university life. Everything felt unfamiliar. My broken Mandarin quickly revealed what I already knew: I was not from here. When I told people I was from Indonesia, many told me that I did not look Indonesian. This caught me off guard, not because it was cruel, but because of how casually it was said. Sometimes it came with curiosity, sometimes surprise, occasionally admiration for my “fair skin.” More often than not, the people asking meant no harm. It is understandable. I look ethnically
Nearly three decades after the 1997 handover, Hong Kong has become a paradox: a place where financial dynamism coexists with political repression — a reality Taiwan cannot afford to ignore. Despite a sharp contraction of civic freedoms since 2020, Hong Kong remains a major global financial center. It has recently overtaken Switzerland as the world’s largest offshore wealth hub, supported by steady inflows of capital from China and across Asia. The territory continues to serve as a key intermediary linking Chinese firms, multinational investors and global markets. Institutional continuity has played a role. The Hong Kong dollar’s peg to the
In the aftermath of China’s expulsion of the New York Times correspondent Vivian Wang (王月眉), Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman Lin Jian (林劍) has publicly and explicitly articulated Beijing’s core thinking on the Taiwan issue. Chinese authorities accused the newspaper of promoting what they called “Taiwan independence fallacies,” and said that its description of Taiwan as a country amounts to a challenge to the “one China” principle. The significance of the incident goes beyond the reporting dispute and has given the international community a window into the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) attitude toward Taiwan. Lin, in a statement, said
RSS