A group called Ethnic Equality Action Alliance has suddenly appeared on Taiwan's political landscape. It was allegedly established on Monday by almost 100 people from cultural and academic circles and from social movements.
Representative figures from this group immediately launched an attack on the pan-green camp, accusing it of fomenting ethnic hostility more frequently than the pan-blue camp does. They said with a straight face that stronger ethnic groups are more inclined to bully weaker groups and to manipulate ethnic issues.
Such shallow discourse might deceive those who do not know Taiwan's history into believing that the ethnic Taiwanese and Hakka peoples, which together account for 85 percent of Taiwan's population, are strong ethnic groups that exercise control over government resources and state power, and that these groups have a tendency to manipulate ethnic sentiments. Nothing could be further from the truth.
Let's begin with Taipei City. Without the support of the majority ethnic Taiwanese and Hakka peoples, how could Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (
If politicians from the Democratic Progressive Party and Taiwan Solidarity Union were manipulators of ethnic sentiment, neither Lien Chan (
The fact that the ethnic Taiwanese and Hakka peoples have no strong ethnic consciousness couldn't be more obvious. To the contrary, the majority ethnic Taiwanese people suffered ruthless political suppression in the past. Soon after arriving in Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek's (
For example, the KMT government deliberately favored the Hakka people, Taiwan's second-largest ethnic group, by recruiting large numbers of Hakkas to work in the rail and postal services, thereby crowding out the ethnic Taiwanese people who had worked in those services since the Japanese era.
This KMT action is also one of the primary reasons that Taoyuan, Hsinchu and Miaoli counties, which have large concentrations of Hakka people, remain pro-blue to this day.
The KMT's manipulation of ethnicity also extended to the civil service exams. Until the mid-1980s, quota guarantees were given to mainlanders taking the exams. The majority Taiwanese had to put up with such discrimination. This is also why a majority of government employees are pro-blue today.
It is obvious which political party has a history of manipulating ethnic issues to gain political benefit. The examples mentioned above are only the tip of the iceberg.
With election time upon us, the pan-blue camp is gathering pro-unification people, along with some liberals who do not understand the pan-blues' political motives, to put on hypocritical moral masks and help block the Taiwanese pesople from settling accounts -- so that the misdeeds committed by the pan-blue camp in the past do not come back to harm the pan-blues in today's democratic Taiwan.
This is why we hear thieves accusing others of theft at election time. This is far from being a real call to conscience.
A response to my article (“Invite ‘will-bes,’ not has-beens,” Aug. 12, page 8) mischaracterizes my arguments, as well as a speech by former British prime minister Boris Johnson at the Ketagalan Forum in Taipei early last month. Tseng Yueh-ying (曾月英) in the response (“A misreading of Johnson’s speech,” Aug. 24, page 8) does not dispute that Johnson referred repeatedly to Taiwan as “a segment of the Chinese population,” but asserts that the phrase challenged Beijing by questioning whether parts of “the Chinese population” could be “differently Chinese.” This is essentially a confirmation of Beijing’s “one country, two systems” formulation, which says that
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
Media said that several pan-blue figures — among them former Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairwoman Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), former KMT legislator Lee De-wei (李德維), former KMT Central Committee member Vincent Hsu (徐正文), New Party Chairman Wu Cheng-tien (吳成典), former New Party legislator Chou chuan (周荃) and New Party Deputy Secretary-General You Chih-pin (游智彬) — yesterday attended the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) military parade commemorating the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II. China’s Xinhua news agency reported that foreign leaders were present alongside Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, North Korean leader Kim
Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) is expected to be summoned by the Taipei City Police Department after a rally in Taipei on Saturday last week resulted in injuries to eight police officers. The Ministry of the Interior on Sunday said that police had collected evidence of obstruction of public officials and coercion by an estimated 1,000 “disorderly” demonstrators. The rally — led by Huang to mark one year since a raid by Taipei prosecutors on then-TPP chairman and former Taipei mayor Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) — might have contravened the Assembly and Parade Act (集會遊行法), as the organizers had