This is a strange book. I wanted to like it: I know the author, have attended several excellent talks that he has hosted at his cafe and event space Daybreak, and respect his activism and contribution to communicating Taiwan to the world in a way that was lacking until he cofounded New Bloom magazine in 2014.
Through this vehicle, Brian Hioe has tirelessly advocated for the rights of minorities and the disenfranchised, called out injustices and inequalities, past and present, and pushed back against democratic backsliding.
In articles for The Diplomat, he has introduced Taiwan’s politics and society to a wider audience, making it palatable for the uninitiated, steering clear of the usual cliches that define the country through its relations with China, and affording it an agency invariably absent from international reports.
At public events, he demonstrates erudition, eloquence and a keen intellect. I’ve not left any of the Daybreak discussions without having learned something — usually quite a lot (including a load of new conceptual and theoretical terminology!).
Yet, the passion the drives this work is largely absent from these pages. The narrator, QQ, who Hioe has described as a fictionalized version of himself, based on his experiences as an activist during the 2011 Occupy Wall Street movement in New York and the 2014 Sunflower movement, has almost no redeeming attributes.
On the back cover and inside pages, a quote from Shawna Yang Ryan, author of the White Terror-focused novel Green Island, compares Hioe’s novel stylistically to the works of Camus and Dostoevsky. While this is quite a reach, there are perhaps tenuous similarities — the sparse prose and depiction of a tortured soul searching for meaning through action.
Yet, unlike Camus’ Meursault, whose sensuality and casual rejection of social norms has visceral appeal, or Dostoevsky’s Raskolnikov, whose moral conundrum and theorizing about the “extraordinary man,” fascinates, there is little about QQ for a reader to latch on to. He is a not even an antihero.
ACTION, APATHY AND ALIENATION
As creeping nihilism takes hold, QQ perhaps better recalls the superfluous men of Russian literature — Pechorin, the fatalistic hero of Lermontov’s A Hero of Our Time or, at times, as QQ festers in his “windowless box,” where “the outside world had ceased to exist or might never have existed,” — the listless title character Oblamov in Goncharov’s classic study of inaction.
Of course, unlike the affable Oblamov, QQ is not completely paralyzed by apathy — he is, or sees himself as, very much a man of action. It is through his participation in social movements, protests and increasingly the prospect of violence that he comes to define himself.
At a recent discussion of his book at Daybreak (the event space), Hioe noted that social movements often attract participants with emotional and mental health issues.
“You encounter a lot of people that are quite alienated,” he said.
Still, for all the emphasis on the existentialist credo of being as doing, the scenes depicting concrete action — the March 18, 2014 assault on the Legislative Yuan and a week later the storming of the Executive Yuan during the Sunflower protests, and the occupation of the Ministry of Education grounds in July 2015 — are distinctly underwhelming.
A NEW DAWN
Upon receiving news of the initial “318” occupation of the legislature, QQ is strangely “dismissive,” and “cynical,” suspecting the protesters will quickly be dislodged. The news is insufficiently important to interrupt dinner with a friend. Then, having “got antsy,” the narrator declares himself “never one to pass up a chance for action,” and “decide[s] to take a gamble.”
It all comes across as contradictory and half-hearted. Outside the legislature, he admits that he “hung around at the back” for fear of arrest, while others “grew more and more brazen.” Instead of joining the vanguard, QQ lingers sheepishly on the periphery, checking social media for updates from those inside the building. Eventually, propping his head against a vehicle in a carpark, he begins to snooze.
It’s true, the image of sunflowers being clasped and waved by the protesters at dawn, as QQ drifts in and out of slumber, is an appealing symbol of hope. Hioe has attributed the name of the Daybreak Project — an oral history archive of the movement, which can be found at the New Bloom Web site, his cafe/event space and the book’s title to this awakening and the promise of change brought by Taiwan’s young activists.
VIOLENT FANTASIESM
In this image, we have something of a counterpoint to the protagonist’s misanthropy and his trajectory toward self-destruction. Punctuated by cryptic and increasingly unhinged interpolations from a one-way conversation with an unknown individual dubbed “V,” the protagonist’s reflections hint at dissociation.
While QQ is more hands-on during the “324” attempt to occupy the Executive Yuan, joining the throng to push back the riot-shielded police, he still ends up “ejected from the center of the charge” where he “assumed a look of not really understanding what I was doing,” seemingly to protect himself from the police batons.
Later, he joins a group of people lying on the ground to prevent the police from cutting through the encirclement of protesters, alongside an activist comrade who sobs at the brutality of it all, before things gradually fizzle out.
At the 2015 education ministry protest, sparked by the then-Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) government’s proposed changes to the high school curriculum and the suicide of student activist Lin Kuan-hua (林冠華), QQ approaches the stage where a local mobster (the Grey [sic] Wolf in Hioe’s telling), is haranguing the students with anti-Japanese slogans.
Although the gangster — a depiction of real-life organized crime figure and fringe pro-China politician Chang An-lo (張安樂), who is nicknamed the White Wolf — is surrounded by his goons, QQ fantasizes about dragging him from the stage and breaking his neck.
“I didn’t have this black belt for nothing, not that it had ever been useful,” he says — again seeming to contradict himself.
MISSED OPPORTUNITY
Like many of his thoughts, statements and actions, this throwaway revelation of pugilistic prowess, of which there is no previous indication, comes across as empty bravado, especially when, predictably, he just slinks off into the crowd.
A sudden reference to bouts of booze-fueled aggression after consuming “the entirety of a small bottle of whiskey” is similarly unconvincing, as are attempts to communicate the danger he and his comrades face during the various incidents.
Even the one scene where he actually does something dangerous and genuinely violent — smacking a friend in the gob — seems tacked on and implausible.
Perhaps this is deliberate: This “Asian American coming of age novel,” as the back cover blurb has it, aims to show a young, conflicted soul desperate to prove himself and be a part of something. Expressing his envy of a fellow activist, he admits, “I had never been willing to take such risks for things I believed in.”
Still, it all makes for a frustratingly hollow reading experience and not because of the “emptiness,” that QQ refers to when addressing V.
Here and there, glimmers of something more profound emerge: ruminations on Asian American identity — QQ’s description of himself as the gap in the text between the words “Taiwanese” and “American” providing a memorable metaphor.
But with such an unsympathetic lead and supporting characters flitting in and out, with rarely enough to them to make you care, this feels like a missed opportunity to render a pivotal moment in contemporary Taiwanese history through a literary medium.
As mega K-pop group BTS returns to the stage after a hiatus of more than three years, one major market is conspicuously missing from its 12-month world tour: China. The omission of one of the group’s biggest fan bases comes as no surprise. In fact, just the opposite would have been huge news. China has blocked most South Korean entertainment since 2016 under an unofficial ban that also restricts movies and the country’s popular TV dramas. For some Chinese, that means flying to Seoul to see their favorite groups perform — as many were expected to do for three shows opening
Taiwan’s semiconductor industry consumes electricity at rates that would strain most national grids. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co (TSMC) alone accounted for more than 9 percent, or 2,590 megawatts (MW), of the nation’s power demand last year. The factories that produce chips for the world’s phones and servers run around the clock. They cannot tolerate blackouts. Yet Taiwan imports 97 percent of its energy, with liquefied natural gas reserves measured in days. Underground, Taiwan has options. Studies from National Taiwan University estimate recoverable geothermal resources at more than 33,000 MW. Current installed capacity stands below 10 MW. OBSTACLES Despite Taiwan’s significant geothermal potential, the
The entire Li Zhenxiu (李貞秀) saga has been an ugly, complicated mess. Born in China’s Hunan Province, she moved to work in Shenzhen, where she met her future Taiwanese husband. Most accounts have her arriving in Taiwan and marrying somewhere between 1993 and 1999. She built a successful career in Taiwan in the tech industry before founding her own company. She also served in high-ranking positions on various environmentally-focused tech associations. She says she was inspired by the founding of the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) in 2019 by Ko Wen-je (柯文哲), and began volunteering for the party soon after. Ko
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chair Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) returned from her trip to meet People’s Republic of China (PRC) dictator Xi Jinping (習近平) bearing “a gift” for the people of Taiwan: 10 measures the PRC proposed to “facilitate the peaceful development of cross-strait relations.” “China on Sunday unveiled 10 new incentive measures for Taiwan,” wrote Reuters, wrongly. The PRC’s longstanding habit with Taiwan relations is to repackage already extant or once-existing policies and declare that they are “new.” The list forwarded by Cheng reflects that practice. NEW MEASURES? Note the first item: establishing regular communication mechanisms between the Chinese Communist Party