Taiwan’s victory in the World Baseball Softball Confederation Premier12 championship is an historic achievement. Yet once again this achievement is marred by the indignity of the imposed moniker “Chinese Taipei.” The absurdity is compounded by the fact that none of the players are even from Taipei, and some, such as Paiwan catcher Giljegiljaw Kungkuan, are not even ethnically Chinese.
The issue garnered attention around the Paris Olympics, yet fell off the agenda as Olympic memories retreated. “Chinese Taipei” persists, and the baseball championship serves as a reminder that fighting “Chinese Taipei” must be a continuous campaign, not merely resurfacing around international competitions. This campaign requires sustained energy, and “Chinese Taipei” must be contested on all fronts.
“Chinese Taipei” has spread from the Olympics to numerous venues where Taiwan is represented internationally in a process known as “Chinese Taipei creep,” a critical part of China’s strategy to erase Taiwan internationally. Sporting associations, airlines and now even the nation of Denmark have all fallen to Chinese Taipei creep. Despite false portrayals in the media as a “compromise” between China and Taiwan, Taiwanese were never consulted and the name is a unilateral surrender to Chinese ultranationalists.
The intent of imposing “Chinese Taipei” is to subsume Taiwan into China in the public imagination.
Taiwan’s baseball champions are starting to fight back. Team Taiwan’s captain Chen Chieh-hsien (陳傑憲) has drawn praise for holding his hands in an empty frame across his chest where his nation’s name should be. The gesture has been widely adopted, including by President William Lai (賴清德).
Japanese media eschewed “Chinese Taipei” for Taiwan, setting an important example for international media. Taiwanese fans also flooded the Tokyo Dome with Taiwanese flags and banners, for all the world to see. Their ability to express their identity freely in Japan contrasts darkly with the cowardice of French authorities this summer.
Taiwanese media and politicians, who had long stuck to the term “Team Chunghwa,” have increasingly used “Team Taiwan” in English and Chinese, an important marker of public support. Even Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) politicians, who have long preferred the “Republic of China” or “Chunghwa” in the international area, have embraced “Team Taiwan.”
The Premier12 has shown that when Taiwanese show up, they can make their voices heard. Taiwanese supporters should continue to vigorously contest all instances of “Chinese Taipei.” China barely exists in the arena of international baseball, so how can it be that Taiwan is still forced to use “Chinese Taipei”?
Taiwanese should utilize the language and advocacy tools of racial justice to hold international media and other organizations to account for discrimination against Taiwanese identity. Athletes should build on the examples set by Chen and Pan Chieh-kai (潘傑楷) to engage in even more ostentatious acts of protest to bring attention to the issue.
This campaign must not be swept away with the ticker tape once the parade is over: Taiwan’s opponent in this fight is relentless and does not go home after nine innings. Around the world, Chinese officials, diplomats and businesspeople work in a coordinated manner to contest any mention of Taiwan. To counter them, Taiwanese must engage in an “everything, everywhere, all at once” campaign, continuously contesting each and every instance of “Chinese Taipei,” and not relenting until Taiwan is allowed to be Taiwan.
Sasha B. Chhabra is an analyst, commentator and media consultant on China’s foreign policy, Taiwanese politics and cross-strait affairs.
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something