On Monday, the Taipei District Court ruled that former Taipei People’s Party (TPP) Chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) could be released without bail amid a probe into alleged corruption involving a redevelopment project.
The judge said there was insufficient evidence to justify detaining Ko, as the Taipei District Prosecutors’ Office failed to prove whether Ko knew the decision to increase the Core Pacific City project’s floor area ratio (FAR) was illegal.
As Ko did not participate in the meetings of the Taipei Urban Planning Commission and does not have relevant experience, he relied on the expertise of members of the commission as well as then-mayor Pong Chen-sheng (彭振聲) to decide the matter, the judge added.
There are some problems with the applicable scope and extent of the judge’s reasoning.
First, Pong would not have been willing to make the decision on his own, and the reports given to Ko about the project show that this case is critical, as relevant laws and regulations would not have allowed them to increase the FAR to the extent that they did.
Thus, prior to Pong presenting the plan to Ko, he would have already held several meetings with the Urban Planning Commission and other administrative units.
The self-initiated incentives for innovation, green buildings and other measures for the project did not adhere to the requirements to qualify for increasing the project’s FAR. Minutes of the commission’s meetings were attached to give Ko a basis for making his decision.
This is the process all administrative agencies must undergo when handing off proposals to an administrative leader, and they must include relevant attachments.
Second, based on the first point, this is a severe case of breaking the law. How could Ko not understand the conditions that required reinforcement? How could the judge make a preliminary conclusion that Ko could not have understood the legal grounds for the case just because he did not attend the commission’s meeting? If Ko had no understanding of the Core Pacific City project, then how could he have made any decision at all about the redevelopment plan?
Third, the judge said Ko lacked relevant expertise. However, there is no way any administrative leader would possess the full knowledge of an expert. Administrators — including mayors — all rely on the solicited advice of experts from the city’s departments to gain knowledge for the purpose of promoting public works and policymaking. How else could administrators push their policies?
Fourth, the judge believed Ko relied on the decisions of the commission, as well as Pong’s opinion, and did not know that the FAR incentives for Core Pacific City broke the law.
The judge also said that Ko did not give specific instructions to increase the FAR. However, there is the matter of Ko and Core Pacific Group chairman Sheen Ching-jing (沈慶京) frequently having close dealings in secret.
Moreover, during Ko’s first term as Taipei mayor, Sheen already petitioned the city government to increase the FAR. After the Ko administration rejected that increase, Sheen filed a lawsuit against the city government that eventually went nowhere. How could Ko not have known that this case already went far beyond the bounds of the law?
Lastly, after Ko finally accepted Sheen’s petition to increase the FAR, Ko palmed off all responsibility onto Pong. How could Ko not know that the initiatives proposed by Pong and others were walking a legal tightrope by giving Core Pacific City such a massive amount of floor space? Pong no doubt would have had to explain to Ko the function of incentive regulations from expanding the FAR.
The reasoning behind the Taipei District Court’s decision to release Ko without bail does not align with the public service activities and duties of an executive administration.
The court has yet to give consideration to the full account of this case, which has been ongoing for several years, including Ko and Shen’s close dealings.
The court was not rigorous enough in its review.
Michael Lin is a retired diplomat, formerly posted to the US.
Translated by Tim Smith
Having lived through former British prime minister Boris Johnson’s tumultuous and scandal-ridden administration, the last place I had expected to come face-to-face with “Mr Brexit” was in a hotel ballroom in Taipei. Should I have been so surprised? Over the past few years, Taiwan has unfortunately become the destination of choice for washed-up Western politicians to turn up long after their political careers have ended, making grandiose speeches in exchange for extraordinarily large paychecks far exceeding the annual salary of all but the wealthiest of Taiwan’s business tycoons. Taiwan’s pursuit of bygone politicians with little to no influence in their home
In 2025, it is easy to believe that Taiwan has always played a central role in various assessments of global national interests. But that is a mistaken belief. Taiwan’s position in the world and the international support it presently enjoys are relatively new and remain highly vulnerable to challenges from China. In the early 2000s, the George W. Bush Administration had plans to elevate bilateral relations and to boost Taiwan’s defense. It designated Taiwan as a non-NATO ally, and in 2001 made available to Taiwan a significant package of arms to enhance the island’s defenses including the submarines it long sought.
US lobbyist Christian Whiton has published an update to his article, “How Taiwan Lost Trump,” discussed on the editorial page on Sunday. His new article, titled “What Taiwan Should Do” refers to the three articles published in the Taipei Times, saying that none had offered a solution to the problems he identified. That is fair. The articles pushed back on points Whiton made that were felt partisan, misdirected or uninformed; in this response, he offers solutions of his own. While many are on point and he would find no disagreement here, the nuances of the political and historical complexities in
Taiwan faces an image challenge even among its allies, as it must constantly counter falsehoods and misrepresentations spread by its more powerful neighbor, the People’s Republic of China (PRC). While Taiwan refrains from disparaging its troublesome neighbor to other countries, the PRC is working not only to forge a narrative about itself, its intentions and value to the international community, but is also spreading lies about Taiwan. Governments, parliamentary groups and civil societies worldwide are caught in this narrative tug-of-war, each responding in their own way. National governments have the power to push back against what they know to be
RSS