Now that The presidential and legislative elections are over, having gone through political turmoil, such as the failed alliance attempt of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), the alleged illegal constructions on candidates’ properties and the unpredictability of TPP Chairman Ko Wen-je’s (柯文哲) shenanigans, the voters have chosen the right person and path.
It is the first time since Taiwan’s first direct presidential election in 1996 that a party has won more than two consecutive presidential elections. President-elect William Lai (賴清德) and vice president-elect Hsiao Bi-khim (蕭美琴) are the best result for Taiwan to continue advancing on a democratic road and on the world stage.
Rather than being excited, I am concerned about the vote share.
Among the three presidential candidates and their running mates, the Lai-Hsiao ticket should have been our only choice in terms of experience, ability, words, deeds, attitude and so on.
However, their vote share failed to exceed the total of the KMT and TPP candidates, which means that Taiwanese are not as persistent on sovereignty and self-governance.
In the legislative elections, candidates such as KMT Legislator Ma Wen-chun (馬文君), who obstructs national defense and is illegally occupying public land; former KMT legislator Yen Kuan-heng (顏寬恆), whose family illegally acquired property; and KMT Legislator Chen Hsueh-sheng (陳雪生), who had harassed Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Fan Yun (范雲) during a legislature scuffle in 2020, were re-elected.
On the other hand, Taipei City Councilor Miao Po-ya (苗博雅), whose diligence and excellence were great examples of Taiwan’s new politics and younger politicians, lost her race. However, the completely unqualified KMT Taipei City Councilor Hsu Chiao-hsin (徐巧芯) succeeded.
As a young person with high hopes for Taiwanese politics, how could I be optimistic? Ko was supported by more than a quarter of the electorate with his opportunism and populist manipulation. I worry about Taiwan’s future.
In the next four years, the voices of small parties are to be absent from the legislature due to absorption by the TPP, which labels itself as a “third force.”
Without effective supervision by local opposition parties and political negotiations to form policies that benefit Taiwanese, the DPP might have to fight alone and even compromise on sovereignty and progressive issues.
Moreover, with more KMT and TPP than DPP legislators, the TPP would reap benefits as a third party; even more so, as a political opportunist party bent on increasing its influence in the process of political negotiation. It is likely that future bills and budgets would be difficult to promote.
Hong Tsun-ming, originally from Hong Kong, is a specialist in the Taiwan Statebuilding Party’s international section.
Translated by Lin Lee-kai
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
Taiwan no longer wants to merely manufacture the chips that power artificial intelligence (AI). It aims to build the software, platforms and services that run on them. Ten major AI infrastructure projects, a national cloud computing center in Tainan, the sovereign language model Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine, five targeted industry verticals — from precision medicine to smart agriculture — and the goal of ranking among the world’s top five in computing power by 2040: The roadmap from “Silicon Island” to “Smart Island” is drawn. The question is whether the western plains, where population, industry and farmland are concentrated, have the water and
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan