As the People’s Republic of China (PRC) constantly strives to rewrite the Taiwan narrative, it is important to regularly update and correct the stereotypes that the PRC tries to foist on Taiwan and the world.
A primary stereotype is that Taiwan has always been a part of China and its corollary that Taiwan has been a part of China since time immemorial. Both are false.
Taiwan has always been a part of the vast Austronesian empire, which stretched from Madagascar in the west to Easter Island in the east and from Taiwan in the north to New Zealand in the south. That part of Taiwan’s history needs recognition, as many in the West remain ignorant of it.
Taiwan has never been a part of China. Parts of Taiwan have been colonized by other nations including the Dutch, Spanish, fleeing Ming loyalists and pursuing Manchu rulers. Although each had a temporary claim to a part of Taiwan’s history, the only nation to control and rule Taiwan was Japan.
Japan received the Manchu section of Taiwan in the 1895 Treaty of Shimonoseki; it did not get it from China. The Manchu Empire was not China, but rather China at that time was a part of the Manchu Empire. Japan set out to conquer and control the whole island.
Taiwan has appeared on the maps of many nations, and under many names, but designation on a map cannot be used as a qualification for possession. It is simply recognition of location.
A second and related cliche that is often tossed around in Western history is the erroneous idea of what constitutes China.
After the Mongols conquered the lands from Europe in the west to Korea in the east, and from Russia in the north to India in the south, they divided their empire into four khanates. China was part of the Khanate of the Great Khan, which included Korea and Tibet. While Chinese culture persevered in some areas, China itself was part of the Mongolian Empire.
During the Ming Dynasty, China broke free from Mongol rule and was separate for about 276 years before it was again swallowed up, this time by the expanding Manchu Empire.
Under the Manchu’s Qing Dynasty, China was ruled by the Manchus for about 267 years.
Hence arose the constant cry in China, but not Tibet, Xinjiang, or Mongolia: “Overthrow the Qing and restore the Ming.”
However, when such advocates made that cry, they did not want to return to Ming borders, but wanted also to acquire other Manchu territory in the bargain.
Although Chinese ethnicity and culture persisted in some areas under the Manchus, China was not a nation state.
This created a dilemma for the Republic of China’s (ROC) founding father Sun Yat-sen (孫逸仙) in his many attempts to overthrow the Manchu rule. He and other advocates could not say that they wanted to restore China, because that would mean reverting to the borders of the Ming Dynasty. On the other hand, Tibet, Xinjiang and Mongolia also wanted to be free of Manchu rule.
Sun attempted to do it in the name of democracy, since democracy could cast a wide veiled cloak over Chinese territorial ambitions. He would die before the issue of Taiwan ever came into discussion of what constituted the “new China.”
While many people wanted to throw off the decaying Manchu rule, the question was how and in what way it would be replaced. Warlord general Yuan Shi-kai (袁世凱) set about trying to establish his own empire, but when he died the competing realm of warlords arose. China as “new China” never saw the democratic light of day.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) entered the picture and wanted to spread its power across the splintering Manchu Empire. Japan also decided to stake a claim by establishing Manchu rule with the last Manchu Chinese emperor Puyi (溥儀) in Manchuko.
Taiwan throughout this period remained part of colonial Japan. Taiwan was not part of China, and it eventually sought its own independence.
The claim that Taiwan was stolen from China as alleged in the Cairo Declaration is also false. The part of Taiwan that the Manchus controlled had been lost in war between the Manchus and Japan. It was no more stolen from them or China than the Manchus “stealing” China from the Ming, Tibet from the Tibetans, Mongolia from the Mongolians and Xinjiang from the Uighurs. Each has been the result of war.
This returns Taiwan’s narrative to the end of World War II, and the 1952 Treaty of San Francisco in which Japan, as the first nation to control the whole of Taiwan, surrendered sovereignty over the territory.
However, Japan also never named a recipient. That narrative is another story to be told.
For now, it is important to counter the misconception that Taiwan has always been a part of China. Taiwan is Taiwan, and China is China.
Jerome Keating is a writer based in Taipei.
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something