At some of the world’s most sensitive spots, authorities have installed security screening devices made by a single Chinese company with deep ties to China’s military and the highest levels of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
The World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Europe’s largest ports, airports from Amsterdam to Athens and NATO’s borders with Russia all depend on equipment manufactured by Nuctech Co (同方威視技術), which has quickly become the world’s leading company, by revenue, for cargo and vehicle scanners.
Nuctech has been frozen out of the US for years due to national security concerns, but it has made deep inroads across Europe, installing its devices in 26 of 27 EU member states, public procurement, government and corporate records reviewed by The Associated Press showed.
The complexity of Nuctech’s ownership structure and its expanding global footprint have raised alarms on both sides of the Atlantic.
A growing number of Western security officials and policymakers fear that China could exploit Nuctech equipment to sabotage key transit points or gain illicit access to government, industrial or personal data from the items that pass through its devices.
Nuctech’s critics allege that the Chinese government has effectively subsidized the company so that it can undercut competitors and give Beijing potential sway over critical infrastructure in the West as China seeks to establish itself as a global technology superpower.
“The data being processed by these devices is very sensitive. It’s personal data, military data, cargo data. It might be trade secrets at stake. You want to make sure it’s in right hands,” said European Parliament Member Bart Groothuis, who was previously director of cybersecurity at the Dutch Ministry of Defense.
“You’re dependent on a foreign actor which is a geopolitical adversary and strategic rival,” Groothuis said.
He and others have said that Europe does not have tools in place to monitor and resist such potential encroachment.
Different member states have taken opposing views on Nuctech’s security risks. No one has even been able to make a comprehensive public tally of where and how many Nuctech devices have been installed across the continent.
Nuctech dismisses those concerns, countering that its European operations comply with local laws, including strict security checks and data privacy rules.
“It’s our equipment, but it’s your data. Our customer decides what happens with the data,” said Robert Bos, deputy general manager of Nuctech in the Netherlands, where the company has a research and development center.
He said Nuctech is a victim of unfounded allegations that have cut its market share in Europe by nearly half since 2019.
“It’s quite frustrating to be honest,” Bos aid. “In the 20 years we delivered this equipment we never had issues of breaches or data leaks. Till today we never had any proof of it.”
In addition to scanning systems for people, baggage and cargo, the company makes explosives detectors and interconnected devices capable of facial recognition, body temperature measurement and identification card or ticket identification.
Critics say that under China’s national intelligence laws, which require Chinese companies to surrender data requested by state security agencies, Nuctech would be unable to resist calls from Beijing to hand over sensitive data about the cargo, people and devices that pass through its scanners.
They say there is a risk Beijing could use Nuctech’s presence across Europe to gather big data about cross-border trade flows, pull information from local networks, such as shipping manifests or passenger information, or sabotage trade flows in a conflict.
Airports in Amsterdam, Athens, Brussels and London, as well as Florence, Pisa and Venice in Italy, Geneva and Zurich in Switzerland and more than a dozen across Spain have all signed deals for Nuctech equipment, procurement and government documents, and corporate announcements showed.
Nuctech’s ownership structure is so complex that can be difficult for outsiders to understand the true lines of influence and accountability.
What is clear is that Nuctech, from its very origins, has been tied to Chinese government, academic and military interests.
Nuctech was founded as an offshoot of Tsinghua University, an elite public research university in Beijing. It grew with backing from the Chinese government and for years was run by the son of former Chinese president Hu Jintao (胡錦濤).
Datenna, a Dutch economic intelligence company focused on China, mapped the ownership structure of Nuctech and found a dozen major entities across four layers of shareholding, including four state-owned enterprises and three government entities.
Today the majority shareholder in Nuctech is Tongfang Co, which has a 71 percent stake. The largest shareholder in Tongfang, in turn, is the investment arm of the China National Nuclear Corp (CNNC), a state-run energy and defense conglomerate controlled by the Chinese State Council.
The US Department of Defense classifies CNNC as a Chinese military company, because it shares advanced technologies and expertise with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army.
Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) has further blurred the lines between China’s civilian and military activities and deepened the power of the CCP within private enterprises. One way in which he did this was the creation of dozens of government-backed financing vehicles designed to speed up the development of technologies that have military and commercial applications.
One of those vehicles, the National Military-Civil Fusion Industry Investment Fund, announced in June 2020 that it wanted to take a 4.4 percent stake in Nuctech’s majority shareholder, along with the right to appoint a director to the Tongfang board.
It never happened due to “changes in the market environment,” Tongfeng said in a Chinese stock exchange filing.
However, there are other links between Nuctech’s ownership structure and the fusion fund.
CNNC, which has a 21 percent interest in Nuctech, holds a stake of more than 7 percent in the fund, according to Qichacha, a Chinese corporate information platform.
They also share personnel: Chen Shutang (陳樹唐), a member of CNNC’s Party Leadership Group and the company’s chief accountant serves as a director of the fund, records showed.
Nuctech maintains that its operations are shaped by market forces, not politics, and has said that CNNC does not control its corporate management or decisionmaking.
However, Datenna chief executive officer Jaap van Etten, a former Dutch diplomat, said the question was “whether or not we want to allow Nuctech, which is controlled by the Chinese state and linked to the Chinese military, to be involved in crucial parts of our border security and infrastructure.”
Associated Press researcher Chen Si in Shanghai and reporters Menelaos Hadjicostis in Nicosia, Aritz Parra in Madrid, Nina Bigalke in London, Nicholas Paphitis in Athens, Justin Spike in Budapest, Liudas Dapkus in Vilnius, Zeynep Bilginsoy in Istanbul and Barry Hatton in Lisbon contributed to this report.
US President Donald Trump created some consternation in Taiwan last week when he told a news conference that a successful trade deal with China would help with “unification.” Although the People’s Republic of China has never ruled Taiwan, Trump’s language struck a raw nerve in Taiwan given his open siding with Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression seeking to “reunify” Ukraine and Russia. On earlier occasions, Trump has criticized Taiwan for “stealing” the US’ chip industry and for relying too much on the US for defense, ominously presaging a weakening of US support for Taiwan. However, further examination of Trump’s remarks in
As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its People’s Liberation Army (PLA) reach the point of confidence that they can start and win a war to destroy the democratic culture on Taiwan, any future decision to do so may likely be directly affected by the CCP’s ability to promote wars on the Korean Peninsula, in Europe, or, as most recently, on the Indian subcontinent. It stands to reason that the Trump Administration’s success early on May 10 to convince India and Pakistan to deescalate their four-day conventional military conflict, assessed to be close to a nuclear weapons exchange, also served to
China on May 23, 1951, imposed the so-called “17-Point Agreement” to formally annex Tibet. In March, China in its 18th White Paper misleadingly said it laid “firm foundations for the region’s human rights cause.” The agreement is invalid in international law, because it was signed under threat. Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, head of the Tibetan delegation sent to China for peace negotiations, was not authorized to sign the agreement on behalf of the Tibetan government and the delegation was made to sign it under duress. After seven decades, Tibet remains intact and there is global outpouring of sympathy for Tibetans. This realization
After India’s punitive precision strikes targeting what New Delhi called nine terrorist sites inside Pakistan, reactions poured in from governments around the world. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) issued a statement on May 10, opposing terrorism and expressing concern about the growing tensions between India and Pakistan. The statement noticeably expressed support for the Indian government’s right to maintain its national security and act against terrorists. The ministry said that it “works closely with democratic partners worldwide in staunch opposition to international terrorism” and expressed “firm support for all legitimate and necessary actions taken by the government of India