Last month, the Philippine National Task Force on the West Philippine Sea reported that more than 200 Chinese fishing vessels were anchored at the disputed Whitsun Reef in the South China Sea, known as Julian Felipe Reef in the Philippines.
The task force released astonishing photographs, which showed clusters of enormous fishing trawlers at anchor and tied together in neat rows. Needless to say, the ships were not engaging in commercial fishing activity; they belong to China’s “maritime militia.”
Beijing’s flimsy official explanation is that the vessels are temporarily seeking shelter from inclement weather. This is patently ridiculous, given the time that the ships have been loitering in the area.
An analysis of satellite images published by the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative on Wednesday last week showed that Chinese vessels have been at the reef at least as far back as February last year. Since then, the numbers have fluctuated, culminating in a peak of 200 vessels last month.
Beijing uses the maritime militia, which is trained by Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy personnel, to further its strategic goals in the South China Sea by engaging in “gray zone” activities that sit just below the threshold of military conflict. At the Whitsun Reef, Beijing appears to have adopted a tried-and-tested “boiled frog” strategy: slowly raising the temperature of the water in the pot until it is too late for the frog to jump out.
Chinese fishing trawlers first drove away smaller Philippine fishing boats from the area, and then gradually built up a permanent presence at the reef. A minimum number of Chinese vessels would likely remain at the reef until fait accompli is achieved and the waters have become de facto Chinese territory, without a shot having been fired.
The failure of former US president Barak Obama’s administration to come to the Philippines’ aid during a crisis at the Scarborough Shoal (Huangyan Island, 黃岩島) in 2012 hangs heavily over the current standoff at the Whitsun Reef. At the time, Washington had brokered a deal between Beijing and Manila for each side to withdraw their vessels from the feature, which Taiwan also claims.
However, after the Philippines withdrew its vessels, China moved its vessels back in and assumed control of the feature. Washington did nothing.
This had two negative effects. First, it emboldened Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) to embark on a massive land reclamation project: An estimated 1,300 hectares of land on seven features in the South China Sea. In turning a blind eye, Washington ceded control to Beijing of a major international waterway through which passes nearly half the world’s commercial shipping, and regional nations, including Taiwan, will have to live with the consequences for decades. Second, Washington’s inaction led the Philippine government to conclude that it had no choice but to throw its chips in with China. The US is now on the cusp of losing a key regional ally.
In stark contrast to the Scarborough Shoal incident, there have been mixed messages from Manila over the Whitsun Reef.
On Monday, Philippine Secretary of Foreign Affairs Teodoro Locsin said that the Philippines “will never give up” its sovereignty over the reef. However, perhaps wary of upsetting Beijing lest it pull the plug on supplies of its Sinovac COVID-19 vaccine, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has explicitly ruled out the use of armed force, praised China as a “good friend” and called for a diplomatic solution.
The Whitsun Reef debacle is a stark illustration of lost US influence in the Asia-Pacific region and the impotence of its conventional defense forces when pitted against unconventional Chinese tactics. Beijing has punched several large holes in the US’ costly defense umbrella. US defense planners must urgently rethink their entire model of deterrence or face losing all credibility with Washington’s regional allies.
The conflict in the Middle East has been disrupting financial markets, raising concerns about rising inflationary pressures and global economic growth. One market that some investors are particularly worried about has not been heavily covered in the news: the private credit market. Even before the joint US-Israeli attacks on Iran on Feb. 28, global capital markets had faced growing structural pressure — the deteriorating funding conditions in the private credit market. The private credit market is where companies borrow funds directly from nonbank financial institutions such as asset management companies, insurance companies and private lending platforms. Its popularity has risen since
The Donald Trump administration’s approach to China broadly, and to cross-Strait relations in particular, remains a conundrum. The 2025 US National Security Strategy prioritized the defense of Taiwan in a way that surprised some observers of the Trump administration: “Deterring a conflict over Taiwan, ideally by preserving military overmatch, is a priority.” Two months later, Taiwan went entirely unmentioned in the US National Defense Strategy, as did military overmatch vis-a-vis China, giving renewed cause for concern. How to interpret these varying statements remains an open question. In both documents, the Indo-Pacific is listed as a second priority behind homeland defense and
Every analyst watching Iran’s succession crisis is asking who would replace supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet, the real question is whether China has learned enough from the Persian Gulf to survive a war over Taiwan. Beijing purchases roughly 90 percent of Iran’s exported crude — some 1.61 million barrels per day last year — and holds a US$400 billion, 25-year cooperation agreement binding it to Tehran’s stability. However, this is not simply the story of a patron protecting an investment. China has spent years engineering a sanctions-evasion architecture that was never really about Iran — it was about Taiwan. The
In an op-ed published in Foreign Affairs on Tuesday, Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) said that Taiwan should not have to choose between aligning with Beijing or Washington, and advocated for cooperation with Beijing under the so-called “1992 consensus” as a form of “strategic ambiguity.” However, Cheng has either misunderstood the geopolitical reality and chosen appeasement, or is trying to fool an international audience with her doublespeak; nonetheless, it risks sending the wrong message to Taiwan’s democratic allies and partners. Cheng stressed that “Taiwan does not have to choose,” as while Beijing and Washington compete, Taiwan is strongest when