Most Chinese provinces and especially the Yangtze River basin have been hit by floods, and as a result, grain shortages are likely to occur in the country this year.
Despite this, Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平), who wants to be personally in charge of everything, has disappeared from sight for quite a while.
The other six members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Politburo Standing Committee have also disappeared, and Chinese media broadcast little coverage of the floods before Chinese Premier Li Keqiang’s (李克強) inspection of the situation in Guizhou Province on July 6.
Guizhou has been hit by the floods much less than other provinces, so why did Li choose Guizhou? The answer is complicated.
In July 2017, then-Chongqing party secretary Sun Zhengcai (孫政才) was abruptly replaced by then-Guizhou party secretary Chen Miner (陳敏爾), who was reportedly promoted for his outstanding poverty alleviation work in the province. Soon after taking up the post, Chen was appointed to the politburo, and has since not hidden his ambitions to succeed Xi.
Under the plan of Xi’s predecessor Hu Jintao (胡錦濤), Li was to take over as president, and politburo member Hu Chunhua (胡春華) was to succeed Li.
Unfortunately, former president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) and former vice president Zeng Qinghong (曾慶紅) jointly blocked Li by handing power to Xi, who then replaced Sun with his supporter Chen, which must have alarmed Hu Chunhua, who is now only vice premier and might be dumped any time.
Given Xi’s performance in the past few years, the calls for him to step down have grown stronger. Who is likely to take over the leadership if he really loses power? Hu Chunhua seems to be the most qualified. After he had to yield his spot in line to be president, Hu Chunhua might find ample support among those who oppose Xi.
On April 21, CCP mouthpiece People’s Daily Online reported on corruption in the coal mining industry over the past 20 years in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region and that nine officials have been investigated. Hu Chunhua was party secretary in the region from 2009 to 2012 and might become the target of an “anti-corruption” crackdown.
As things have progressed to this point, Hu Chunhua will not sit and wait for his death sentence. According to reports from Hong Kong media, he has become increasingly active. Since April, he has visited 13 Chinese provinces, cities or regions despite the COVID-19 outbreak, as if he is preparing to take over from Xi.
Obviously, Li’s inspection in Guizhou was an attempt to dig up dirt on Chen. Following Li’s visit, a video about Dushan County — an impoverished region in Guizhou — borrowing 40 billion yuan (US$5.7 billion) for “vanity projects” went viral on WeChat and other Chinese online platforms. Some of these projects are stunningly luxurious while others are left unfinished. The video is clearly targeting Chen.
Everything from uncovering the various problems in Guizhou to Hu Chunhua’s unexpected activities implies that a severe power struggle could be expected at the annual meeting of the CCP leadership at Beidaihe, which is to take place from late this month to early next month.
Xi’s plan to remain president for life might be in jeopardy as the battle between the two crown princes is becoming apparent.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Minister of Labor Hung Sun-han (洪申翰) on April 9 said that the first group of Indian workers could arrive as early as this year as part of a memorandum of understanding (MOU) between the Taipei Economic and Cultural Center in India and the India Taipei Association. Signed in February 2024, the MOU stipulates that Taipei would decide the number of migrant workers and which industries would employ them, while New Delhi would manage recruitment and training. Employment would be governed by the laws of both countries. Months after its signing, the two sides agreed that 1,000 migrant workers from India would
In recent weeks, Taiwan has witnessed a surge of public anxiety over the possible introduction of Indian migrant workers. What began as a policy signal from the Ministry of Labor quickly escalated into a broader controversy. Petitions gathered thousands of signatures within days, political figures issued strong warnings, and social media became saturated with concerns about public safety and social stability. At first glance, this appears to be a straightforward policy question: Should Taiwan introduce Indian migrant workers or not? However, this framing is misleading. The current debate is not fundamentally about India. It is about Taiwan’s labor system, its
Japan’s imminent easing of arms export rules has sparked strong interest from Warsaw to Manila, Reuters reporting found, as US President Donald Trump wavers on security commitments to allies, and the wars in Iran and Ukraine strain US weapons supplies. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s ruling party approved the changes this week as she tries to invigorate the pacifist country’s military industrial base. Her government would formally adopt the new rules as soon as this month, three Japanese government officials told Reuters. Despite largely isolating itself from global arms markets since World War II, Japan spends enough on its own
On March 31, the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs released declassified diplomatic records from 1995 that drew wide domestic media attention. One revelation stood out: North Korea had once raised the possibility of diplomatic relations with Taiwan. In a meeting with visiting Chinese officials in May 1995, as then-Chinese president Jiang Zemin (江澤民) prepared for a visit to South Korea, North Korean officials objected to Beijing’s growing ties with Seoul and raised Taiwan directly. According to the newly released records, North Korean officials asked why Pyongyang should refrain from developing relations with Taiwan while China and South Korea were expanding high-level