Last month, the Chinese Ministry of National Defense released its 10th defense white paper, titled China’s National Defense in the New Era. Due to the ministry spokesman’s harsh responses to journalists’ questions at the event, international media focused mainly on China’s threat to take Taiwan by force, ignoring the message between the lines.
In a section of a little more than 300 words, China expressed its strong opposition to any kind of “split,” reserved the option of taking all necessary measures and pledged to safeguard “national unity” at all costs.
ECHOING XI’S SPEECHES
A closer look shows that the section is a compilation of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) speeches at events marking the 90th anniversary of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in August 2017, the opening of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) 19th National Congress in October 2017 and the 40th anniversary of issuance of “Message to Compatriots in Taiwan” on Jan. 2.
The publication simply restates China’s determination. Rather than saber-rattling, it is more like a white paper pledging loyalty to the CCP.
Despite all the tough wording, Chapter 2, “China’s Defensive National Defense Policy in the New Era,” includes a section titled “Never Seeking Hegemony, Expansion or Spheres of Influence.”
STRATEGY SHIFT
This section uses the Chinese cultural tradition of “considering peace and harmony as fundamental” as a metaphor to imply that the defense policy is returning from a proactive one to former Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping’s (鄧小平) path of “concealing one’s strengths and biding one’s time.”
Since early this year, China has dealt with the West’s attack on Huawei Technologies Co and boycotts of the Belt and Road Initiative by some Asian and African nations.
To ease concerns about the “China threat theory,” Beijing remained low key when reporting its deep-sea formation training in the Central Pacific Ocean early this year, and the passage of the Liaoning aircraft carrier strike group as it approached Guam and then traveled south of the Philippines before entering the South China Sea in June.
The launch of its self-built aircraft carrier was also postponed from Naval Day on April 23 to until after Army Day yesterday.
These moves were made to change the international perception of the PLA as a threat and a challenge to a bringer of security and opportunities.
China’s defense budget, which at best can serve as a reference only, shows that PLA personnel costs have declined by 4.1 percent since 2010 and its operational costs have dropped by 3.8 percent. The money has gone into military investments, creating a giant leap in its navy, air, rocket and strategic support forces.
This presents the Taiwanese military with a difficult fact: Increased military strength does not lie in the effectiveness of the recruitment system and a balance between the armed forces, but in key investments based on Taiwan’s priorities in face of the enemy threat.
As the PLA conceals its strengths, Taiwan’s military must never be content with having a “hedgehog” strategy — which has so far proven to be effective — and should focus on planning, researching and developing asymmetric “offset” strategies, tactics and weapons to maintain peace in the Taiwan Strait.
Lu Li-shih is a former instructor at the Republic of China Naval Academy and former captain of the ROCS Hsin Chiang.
Translated by Eddy Chang
With escalating US-China competition and mutual distrust, the trend of supply chain “friend shoring” in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the fragmentation of the world into rival geopolitical blocs, many analysts and policymakers worry the world is retreating into a new cold war — a world of trade bifurcation, protectionism and deglobalization. The world is in a new cold war, said Robin Niblett, former director of the London-based think tank Chatham House. Niblett said he sees the US and China slowly reaching a modus vivendi, but it might take time. The two great powers appear to be “reversing carefully
As China steps up a campaign to diplomatically isolate and squeeze Taiwan, it has become more imperative than ever that Taipei play a greater role internationally with the support of the democratic world. To help safeguard its autonomous status, Taiwan needs to go beyond bolstering its defenses with weapons like anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles. With the help of its international backers, it must also expand its diplomatic footprint globally. But are Taiwan’s foreign friends willing to translate their rhetoric into action by helping Taipei carve out more international space for itself? Beating back China’s effort to turn Taiwan into an international pariah
Typhoon Krathon made landfall in southwestern Taiwan last week, bringing strong winds, heavy rain and flooding, cutting power to more than 170,000 homes and water supply to more than 400,000 homes, and leading to more than 600 injuries and four deaths. Due to the typhoon, schools and offices across the nation were ordered to close for two to four days, stirring up familiar controversies over whether local governments’ decisions to call typhoon days were appropriate. The typhoon’s center made landfall in Kaohsiung’s Siaogang District (小港) at noon on Thursday, but it weakened into a tropical depression early on Friday, and its structure
Taiwan is facing multiple economic challenges due to internal and external pressures. Internal challenges include energy transition, upgrading industries, a declining birthrate and an aging population. External challenges are technology competition between the US and China, international supply chain restructuring and global economic uncertainty. All of these issues complicate Taiwan’s economic situation. Taiwan’s reliance on fossil fuel imports not only threatens the stability of energy supply, but also goes against the global trend of carbon reduction. The government should continue to promote renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power, as well as energy storage technology, to diversify energy supply. It