Germany has weathered the financial crisis much better than most of its neighbors. Regarded as the sick man of Europe as recently as 1999, today the nation boasts the continent’s strongest economy, accounting for roughly a quarter of its exports. Its unemployment rate, at just below 5 percent, is half the European average. The federal budget is balanced for the first time in a decade.
However, it would be a mistake to assume that Germany’s economic performance vindicates its policymaking. In fact, Germany’s economic dominance has been built on a policy framework that stands in direct opposition to that championed by former German chancellor Ludwig Erhard, the father of its post-World War II “economic miracle.”
In lieu of Erhard’s so-called “ordoliberalism” — in which the state lays the groundwork for a functioning market economy by actively managing the legal environment — the economic strategy pursued by German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s administration has been haphazard, driven more by political expediency than by any underlying philosophy. Germany would be wise not to take its economic success for granted. In a time of increasing economic and political uncertainty, Erhard’s guiding principles are more important than ever.
CLOCK-LIKE MECHANISM
Germany’s policymakers seem to be stumbling from decision to decision. Instead of steering the economy, they are being driven by it, reacting with no clear sense of direction to the demands of the moment. The country’s celebrated decarbonization is putting its industry at risk. Collective bargaining, once left to economic actors, is becoming increasingly politicized. Changes in pension policy are boosting public spending and contributing to rising levels of debt.
At the heart of Germany’s troubles is the stubborn — and internationally widespread — idea that the economy is a large, clock-like mechanism into which the state can intervene without consequences. The increasing mathematization of economics in recent decades has abetted this development.
The central weakness of democratic systems also contributes to the problem: The quest for votes favors the extension of social benefits and discourages unpopular measures that would put the economy on a more sustainable footing. As the German economist Herbert Giersch once put it, what is politically expedient is rarely economically beneficial.
It is for this reason that a return to ordoliberalism is more important than ever. Erhard’s objective was to counter political pragmatism and activism with an orderly vision of economic and social policy. The need to take a holistic view of the economy was self-evident. For today’s social engineers and economists, this is no longer the case.
Erhard’s vision of a social market economy was a third way, an alternative to both large-scale state intervention and the risks of laissez-faire liberalism. Germany’s historical experience had demonstrated that freedom without order led to chaos, and order without freedom resulted in coercion and the renunciation of democracy.
COLD AND ANTI-SOCIAL
Unguided capitalism undermined itself, according to Erhard, as monopolists cornered markets and captured the state. However, the attempt to perfect life through increasingly comprehensive state intervention, until even the smallest injustices were compensated, was also bound to fail. Human society simply does not follow the rules of a termite colony; order must accommodate freedom and individuality.
The continuing relevance of Erhard’s ideas can be seen in the growing number of protest movements — strengthened by social networks — challenging the market economy and neoliberalism. Any increase in the market’s perceived legitimacy brought about by the failure of communism was temporary at best. Market-oriented policies today are seen as cold and anti-social, especially in Western industrialized nations. The paternalistic welfare state is viewed as more humane, despite the loss of freedom and the financial distortions associated with it.
Erhard was well aware of the tension between economic freedom and the democratic state. He and his followers never envisaged ordoliberalism as an unchangeable dogma, but rather as a model that could be adapted to new challenges. Erhard even attempted to adjust it to the sociopolitical changes of the 1960s, developing the concept of a “formed society,” whereby factionalism would be minimized and the state governed by consensus.
GUIDING PRINCIPLES
Erhard failed to gain support for this controversial idea.
However, given rising inequality and growing disenchantment with politics and political parties, it addresses questions that remain relevant for representative democracy today.
As Erhard himself would have argued, ordoliberalism is not a one-size-fits-all solution. However, there can be no question that in today’s globalized world, the economy — and perhaps politics as well — would benefit from the imposition of order.
No political system capable of overcoming hardship and misery can be built without first realizing improvements in the economy’s potential. That must be achieved by minimizing state intervention, bureaucracy, and privileges for the chosen few. Erhard’s guiding principle was simple: There must be guiding principles. It is an idea that remains as important as ever — in Germany and beyond.
Jurgen Jeske is the former publisher of the German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.
Copyright: Project Syndicate/Institute for Human Sciences
Taiwan’s higher education system is facing an existential crisis. As the demographic drop-off continues to empty classrooms, universities across the island are locked in a desperate battle for survival, international student recruitment and crucial Ministry of Education funding. To win this battle, institutions have turned to what seems like an objective measure of quality: global university rankings. Unfortunately, this chase is a costly illusion, and taxpayers are footing the bill. In the past few years, the goalposts have shifted from pure research output to “sustainability” and “societal impact,” largely driven by commercial metrics such as the UK-based Times Higher Education (THE) Impact
History might remember 2026, not 2022, as the year artificial intelligence (AI) truly changed everything. ChatGPT’s launch was a product moment. What is happening now is an anthropological moment: AI is no longer merely answering questions. It is now taking initiative and learning from others to get things done, behaving less like software and more like a colleague. The economic consequence is the rise of the one-person company — a structure anticipated in the 2024 book The Choices Amid Great Changes, which I coauthored. The real target of AI is not labor. It is hierarchy. When AI sharply reduces the cost
The inter-Korean relationship, long defined by national division, offers the clearest mirror within East Asia for cross-strait relations. Yet even there, reunification language is breaking down. The South Korean government disclosed on Wednesday last week that North Korea’s constitutional revision in March had deleted references to reunification and added a territorial clause defining its border with South Korea. South Korea is also seriously debating whether national reunification with North Korea is still necessary. On April 27, South Korean President Lee Jae-myung marked the eighth anniversary of the Panmunjom Declaration, the 2018 inter-Korean agreement in which the two Koreas pledged to
I wrote this before US President Donald Trump embarked on his uneventful state visit to China on Thursday. So, I shall confine my observations to the joint US-Philippine military exercise of April 20 through May 8, known collectively as “Balikatan 2026.” This year’s Balikatan was notable for its “firsts.” First, it was conducted primarily with Taiwan in mind, not the Philippines or even the South China Sea. It also showed that in the Pacific, America’s alliance network is still robust. Allies are enthusiastic about America’s renewed leadership in the region. Nine decades ago, in 1936, America had neither military strength