Sat, Oct 02, 2004 page8

• Ethnic diversity and national unity

  • By The Democratic Progressive Party
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  The presidential election in 2004 terminated the colonial and party-state systems that had oppressed local culture and civil rights in Taiwan for hundreds of years. A new country determined by its citizens' common will can finally take shape.

  With the support of the people of Taiwan, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has completed the democratization project, thereby creating an opportunity for the revival of ethnic diversity.

  Since its establishment, the DPP has persisted in a subjective Taiwanese consciousness, resisted the cultural hegemony of a ruling minority and rebuilt a sound space for the survival and development of ethnic cultures.

  The DPP government has responded to the collective appeals of local ethnic groups by always taking the lead among political parties when it comes to introducing local culture and native-language education, rebuilding the identity of indigenous peoples and reviving the dignity of Hakka culture. The DPP has thus come to realize that there can be no localization policy without diversification.

  To consolidate democracy, strengthen national culture, and enable all ethnic groups to live together in shared prosperity in this new country, the DPP should deepen the promotion of cultural diversification outlined in its party guidelines and, following the completion of democratization, launch a second wave of reforms by building a civil society based on mutual acceptance between all ethnic groups, which will participate together in building the nation.

  Articles

  One: We cannot open up a future for ethnic groups without reflecting upon past oppression. The domination of indigenous peoples by early Han immigrants and oppression by alien rulers resulted in ethnic groups losing their native languages, cultures and identity as well as today's ethnic problems. This period of history has to be reviewed if ethnic cultures are to survive and develop.

  Two: Building a subjective Taiwanese consciousness is not equivalent to xenophobia. Since taking over power, the DPP has actively implemented community and native language education, promoted Hakka and aboriginal policies, and rebuilt a Taiwan-centered cultural consciousness. The rationale behind these actions has been neither narrow-minded localism nor radical xenophobia.

  Three: The Chinese Nationalist Party's (KMT) oppression is not the sin of new residents who immigrated from China. The past oppression was executed by privileged minority groups, not by a certain ethnic group, and should therefore not be considered the original sin of new residents from China. We should work together to recover the historical truth and restore the dignity of victimized ethnic groups.

  Four: Assimilation policies should be abandoned for co-existence and joint prosperity. In reflection of the fact that a diversity of ethnic cultures is a national asset, we abandon oppressive assimilation policies and fragmented integration policies. We advocate cultural diversification policies that respect differences and aim for co-existence and shared prosperity.

  Five: National identification should be built on civic awareness. With national sovereignty having been secured through democratization, Taiwan is no longer faced with the problem of alien rule. What remains is the question of how to meet the challenge of foreign annexation.

  National identification should transcend the awareness of one's place of origin and be built on a civic awareness which stands shoulder to shoulder with the protection of the fruits of democracy and helps forge the Taiwan experience. The DPP recognizes the significance and shoulders the historic responsibility of this paradigmatic change.

  Six: Identification with the Republic of China (ROC) and identification with Taiwan should be mutually compatible. ROC sovereignty belongs to all Taiwanese people, and not to any other regime. That means that both identification with Taiwan and identification with the ROC are expressions of national identity. These two ways of national identification should not be misinterpreted as ethnic confrontation, and they should be met with mutual respect, understanding and acceptance.

  Seven: Ethnic prejudice in words or actions should be condemned. The ethnic identification and civil rights of the nation's people should be respected. Any prejudice in words or actions against ethnic status should be condemned and punished. The support and protection of national unity and security should naturally be regulated through democratic means.

  Eight: Each ethnic group is a master of Taiwan. Taiwan has for a long time been the homeland of the indigenous peoples, the Hakka and the Hoklo, and it has also become the home of new residents from China and foreign immigrants. Each ethnic group participates in the creation of a subjective Taiwan consciousness, and each ethnic group is a master of Taiwan and each of their native languages is a Taiwanese language.

  Nine:Exchanges between ethnic groups should be initiated in order to promote ethnic reconciliation. The government shall continue to support the development and continuation of the culture of each ethnic group, actively open up public space for cultural exchanges between ethnic groups, and enhance the influence of the diverse cultures of the nation's citizens in order to promote ethnic conciliation.

  Ten: Build Taiwan into a global model of a culturally diverse nation. In response to globalization, our nation shall actively promote cultural diversification policies, become a practical model for the global effort to diversify ethnic culture, and follow democratization by building a culturally diverse nation with a shared future.

  Explanation

  Historically, Taiwan has long been a colonial society suffering from the oppression and dominance of the cultural values of alien forces, which has caused local culture to decline and collapse, and risked the loss of ethnic dignity and identity.

  The Taiwanese people's pursuit of democratic progress in recent years has led to the creation of a constitutional democracy and eliminated the control of minority rule. Only as a result of this has the self-identity of each ethnic group been gradually restored and a diverse local culture rebuilt.

  This kind of historical experience, where opposition leads to a gradually rising dignity, is a valuable asset belonging to the people of each of Taiwan's ethnic groups.

  The subjective Taiwanese consciousness is the result both of opposition to the dominance and oppression of past colonial and authoritarian rulers, and a reflection of globalization and internationalization, and not of a denunciation of the new cultural influences brought by new immigrant ethnic groups.

  We believe that the era of domestic confrontation is coming to an end and that a time of reconstruction is approaching.

  In this era, the different ethnic cultures should no longer be thought of as superior or inferior and, based on a community of partnership, any and all denunciation and slander between ethnic groups should cease.

  Dissatisfaction, unfairness and insecurity within the different ethnic groups arising from differences in their actual situations should be dealt with head on. The equality of all and the dignity of each ethnic group should be guaranteed, and the collective memories of each ethnic group should become collective memories transcending ethnicity. In the same way, no ethnic group should shoulder the sins of the past authoritarian ruler, lest they become a new subordinate ethnic group.

  The new residents arriving after the war also faced the tragic fate of the nation's people, and together with the indigenous peoples, the Hakka and the Hoklo, they shared in the resistance against communist totalitarianism and slavery in the pursuit of democracy and freedom, together writing the solemn history of protecting Taiwan. This kind of jointly created historic experience, which transcends ethnicity, is a reflection of Taiwan's common future.

  In addition to contributing different cultural characteristics and influences, Taiwan's ethnic groups have also fulfilled their civic duties within the system of democratic and constitutional politics, and they are all necessary pieces of Taiwan.

  In other words, the unity of the Taiwanese state is created by the intertwining of a diversity of ethnic groups. Only by guaranteeing that there is space for the cultural development of each ethnic group will it be possible to build a harmonious society based on mutual recognition and respect, consolidate constitutional democracy and realize "unity through diversity."

  We also believe that cultural diversity is an asset of human civilization as a whole, and an active soft national strength. In addition to offering each ethnic group ample resources to help maintain and pass on their unique languages and cultures, the government should also create an opportunity for the cultures of minority ethnic groups to enter the daily lives of the nation's population and the public sphere, thereby offering these cultures the opportunity to develop in step with the modern world through exchanges and interaction.

  We are deeply convinced that building a multi-ethnic republic with mutual support between ethnic groups and cultures will create a new model for ethnic reconciliation and cultural diversification following the completion of the democratic project.

  Translated by Jennie Shih and Perry Svensson
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