They've played catch at Camp David, dined on beef and pecan pie at Bush's Texas ranch and share a love of the classic Western movie High Noon.
Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi is not only chummy with US President George W. Bush, but also -- in common with British Prime Minister Tony Blair -- has linked his security policies to the US leader, supporting the war in Iraq and sending troops there despite opposition from domestic voters.
Not surprisingly, then, Koizumi's critics say a defeat for Bush in November's presidential election at the hands of a Democratic challenger such as front-runner Senator John Kerry -- who has harshly attacked Bush on security matters -- could spell trouble for the Japanese leader.
"I think it would be quite difficult for Koizumi [if Bush lost]," former ruling party executive Koichi Kato, who opposed Japan's dispatch of troops to Iraq, said in a recent interview. "I don't know if he could handle it or not."
Bush fares badly with Japanese voters. A recent poll by the magazine Aera showed that 57 percent would prefer to see him defeated while only seven percent want him to stay.
Diplomatic experts, however, say the Democrats' preference for building consensus with allies could be a plus for Koizumi, while fears of their traditional protectionist tinge are probably overdone.
"Democrats are somewhat more multilateral, more inclined to go to the United Nations. That means, for Koizumi, who wants Japanese support for the Self-Defense Forces deployment, UN legitimacy is more likely to be present," said Joseph Nye, dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School.
"I don't think the substance of security policy will change much, but the procedures the Democrats would use would make things slightly easier for Japan," Nye, a former assistant defense secretary, said in a recent telephone interview.
SOTTO VOCE ADVICE
Koizumi is sending up to 1,000 members of the Self-Defense Forces, as its military is known, to help rebuild Iraq.
Domestic critics of the risky mission say it violates Japan's pacifist Constitution, while some Japanese resent what they see as US pressure for support in Iraq in return for protection against the nuclear threat from North Korea.
Tokyo has welcomed Bush's commitment to cementing the alliance after years of friction with and perceived slights by his Democratic predecessor, Bill Clinton. And friendly ties between the two leaders have made diplomats' jobs easier.
But personal chemistry aside, a Democratic president who paid more heed to allies' concerns might make Koizumi more comfortable.
"Kerry's public criticism of Bush is the same sort of thing Koizumi has been telling Bush privately," said University of Tokyo professor Akihiko Tanaka.
Nor would a Democrat be likely to abandon Bush's policy of coaxing and prodding Japan into a bolder global security role.
"Japan policy will stay roughly the same," said Nye, who in 2000 co-authored with Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage a report that became the backbone of Bush's Japan policy.
"The big change ... came in the Clinton administration, when we had the [1995] `Nye Initiative' to get away from the view of Japan as a rising enemy and redefine the Japan security relationship as a basis for stability," Nye added.
A MATTER OF DEGREE?
How Japan would fare with a Democrat on the economic front is a matter of concern, but here, too, partisan differences may be less than meet the eye.
Some analysts expect US authorities to revive their "strong dollar" policy once the election is over, no matter who wins.
"No matter who takes over the administration, they will have to be more aggressive about dealing with the twin deficits," said Shusei Tanaka, a former Japanese Cabinet minister. "I don't think the policy of allowing the dollar to weaken will continue."
Japan has intervened repeatedly in the currency market to curb the yen's strength, which officials fear could hurt exports, the engine of the economy's recovery from a decade of stagnation.
Trade is proving a hot topic on the US campaign trail, with Kerry toughening his tone in response to the protectionist mantra of his former rival, Senator John Edwards.
Analysts and veteran politicians, however, warn against taking campaign rhetoric at face value, while noting that Bush has also occasionally blotted his free trade record.
"A Democrat would not necessarily be more protectionist," said former Japanese foreign minister Masahiko Komura.
"I hear Kerry basically favors free trade and I don't think the difference would be that great," Komura said.
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
By now, most of Taiwan has heard Taipei Mayor Chiang Wan-an’s (蔣萬安) threats to initiate a vote of no confidence against the Cabinet. His rationale is that the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)-led government’s investigation into alleged signature forgery in the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) recall campaign constitutes “political persecution.” I sincerely hope he goes through with it. The opposition currently holds a majority in the Legislative Yuan, so the initiation of a no-confidence motion and its passage should be entirely within reach. If Chiang truly believes that the government is overreaching, abusing its power and targeting political opponents — then
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,
RSS