How can they be trusted?
A hue and cry has broken out following last week’s arrest of a National Security Bureau (NSB) agent for attempting to smuggle more than 10,000 cartons of cigarettes via the courtesy customs channel used by President Tsai Ing-wen (蔡英文) as she returned from an overseas tour (“NSB official accused of smuggling,” July 23, 2019, page 1).
NSB director-general Peng Sheng-chu (彭勝竹) resigned immediately, while chief aide-de-camp to the president Chang Chieh (張捷), who was the officer in charge of presidential bodyguards, asked to be disciplined and is to be transferred to another post.
Nonetheless, the incident is probably only the tip of the iceberg. It is easy to imagine and very worrying to think how much more corruption or other illegal activities might have been going on unseen within the bureau.
If the culprits could not even resist the measly profit to be made by avoiding the tobacco tax, how can they be trusted to be incorruptible in the way they handle their day-to-day security duties? How would they respond to much bigger incentives offered by communist China?
The overriding principle of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) military strategy in preparing for possible military action against Taiwan is to preempt intervention by other nations by achieving quick victory in a short war and striking a decisive blow in the first battle.
Many of the PLA’s scenarios, including a decapitation strike, are based on this principle.
Tsai, as commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and having repeatedly stated her opposition to the “one country, two systems” formula and her determination to uphold Taiwan’s sovereignty, is certainly the PLA’s prime target.
NSB agents are supposed to stand by Tsai, ensuring her security and acting as her last line of defense, but it appears as if their military discipline and personal integrity are full of holes.
If the government fails to grasp this opportunity to clean house, Tsai’s personal safety would be precarious indeed.
Huang Wei-bing
Kaohsiung
Elderly employment
On Thursday last week, the Executive Yuan passed the draft middle-aged and elderly people employment act, which allows employers to hire workers older than 65 using a time-limited labor contract. It also bans discrimination based on age and differential treatment, stipulating penalties of up to NT$1.5 million (US$48,105).
The law is designed to encourage middle-aged and older workers who want to pursue a second career to make the move, creating more job opportunities for seniors and reducing their dependence and burden on social welfare.
The law is well-intended, but it has no power to stop workplace discrimination and bullying against older workers by colleagues.
I have seen many such cases in the workplace. Although the employer was willing to hire older workers, those workers were unreasonably discriminated against, excluded and isolated. Even worse, colleagues might order them around as if senior workers are inferior people.
A friend of mine, who is almost 70 and still goes to work, told me that he often gets bullied by his supervisor, who is younger than my friend and deliberately picks on him at work.
Outside of work, no colleague wants to make friends with him.
One year at the company’s year-end banquet, there was a table with only five or six middle-aged and older colleagues, while a dozen young colleagues squeezed in at another table.
The two groups ate and talked between themselves, making this supposedly social event awkward.
Discrimination is ubiquitous throughout society, and age discrimination in the workplace is common. The draft law might encourage employers to open their doors to middle-aged and senior people, thus creating a win-win situation.
However, social conventions must keep up and the workplace culture of discrimination and prejudice against senior people must be changed to promote a senior-friendly work environment.
Lee Yue-chih
Taipei
China’s supreme objective in a war across the Taiwan Strait is to incorporate Taiwan as a province of the People’s Republic. It follows, therefore, that international recognition of Taiwan’s de jure independence is a consummation that China’s leaders devoutly wish to avoid. By the same token, an American strategy to deny China that objective would complicate Beijing’s calculus and deter large-scale hostilities. For decades, China has cautioned “independence means war.” The opposite is also true: “war means independence.” A comprehensive strategy of denial would guarantee an outcome of de jure independence for Taiwan in the event of Chinese invasion or
A recent Taipei Times editorial (“A targeted bilingual policy,” March 12, page 8) questioned how the Ministry of Education can justify spending NT$151 million (US$4.74 million) when the spotlighted achievements are English speech competitions and campus tours. It is a fair question, but it focuses on the wrong issue. The problem is not last year’s outcomes failing to meet the bilingual education vision; the issue is that the ministry has abandoned the program that originally justified such a large expenditure. In the early years of Bilingual 2030, the ministry’s K-12 Administration promoted the Bilingual Instruction in Select Domains Program (部分領域課程雙語教學實施計畫).
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) earlier this month said it is necessary for her to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) and it would be a “huge boost” to the party’s local election results in November, but many KMT members have expressed different opinions, indicating a struggle between different groups in the party. Since Cheng was elected as party chairwoman in October last year, she has repeatedly expressed support for increased exchanges with China, saying that it would bring peace and prosperity to Taiwan, and that a meeting with Xi in Beijing takes priority over meeting
Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs spokesman for maritime affairs Rogelio Villanueva on Monday said that Manila’s claims in the South China Sea are backed by international law. Villanueva was responding to a social media post by the Chinese embassy alleging that a former Philippine ambassador in 1990 had written a letter to a German radio operator stating that the Scarborough Shoal (Huangyan Island, 黃岩島) did not fall within Manila’s territory. “Sovereignty is not merely claimed, it is exercised,” Villanueva said. The Philippines won a landmark case at the Permanent Court of Arbitration in 2016 that found China’s sweeping claim of sovereignty in
RSS