The system of international cooperation that emerged from the ashes of World War II is at risk. Multilateralism and the institutions that support it — including the WTO, the UN and the EU — are being called into question as more nations embrace inward-looking nationalism, leading in some cases to political instability and conflict.
So why are business and finance leaders not doing much more to combat these troubling trends?
Postwar history shows that global economic integration — including freer trade and higher cross-border investment — helps markets and societies to prosper, with health, education and life expectancy improving significantly in many parts of the world.
True, globalization has also produced major societal imbalances, which are fueling popular discontent, but rejecting it, as a growing number now do, threatens the very system that has helped to create wealth, combat poverty and expand the ranks of the global middle class.
Business and finance have arguably benefited the most from the open, rules-based international political and economic order, yet chief executives and chairpersons rarely use their influential voices to defend multilateralism and global cooperation.
This is partly because most private enterprises still focus on bread-and-butter lobbying, often via trade associations, in connection with national regulations and policies.
Similarly, corporate boards tend to deal with basic governance and risk-management issues, and seldom address broader geopolitical concerns — and when they do, directors are often unsure how to make a meaningful contribution.
However, in the face of increasing global disorder, business and finance leaders can no longer afford to be reticent. Instead, they should do three things to make a strong, renewed case for international cooperation.
For starters, they need to rediscover and recommit to the core values and principles of key multilateral organizations, principally the WTO and the UN.
These organizations embody the belief that, more often than not, countries will achieve better long-term outcomes by acting together than by going it alone.
In this regard, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres made a persuasive case for a “networked multilateralism” that connects bodies such as his with important regional organizations and initiatives.
Second, corporate chiefs should formally endorse important multilateral private-sector initiatives.
The thousands of companies and investors that have signed the UN Global Compact and the Principles for Responsible Investment, for example, are still in the minority. Many more must step up and sign on.
Other important private-sector programs with a multilateral origin or orientation include the banking sector’s Equator Principles (originally from the World Bank) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
These and other similar initiatives help in two ways. Many of them — including the UN Global Compact — involve multi-stakeholder collaboration. In other words, they bring together the private and public sectors, civil society and other actors to address critical international issues such as the rule of law, global governance and climate change.
In addition, global policymakers frequently respond to these initiatives and coalitions by creating new possibilities for cooperation.
The UN, for example, launched an exercise in multilateralism with a financial twist: an annual investment forum designed to promote collaboration and deal-making between governments and institutional investors.
Finally, business and finance leaders should triple down on the new global sustainability agenda. This is arguably the best hedge against current threats, challenges and insecurities, and presents extraordinary opportunities to make a positive global impact.
The 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and their associated targets are a blueprint for humanity and for the global economy. Achieving the SDGs would make globalization more sustainable and inclusive, while also effectively addressing the threat of climate change.
Private-sector organizations need to integrate the SDGs into their business and investment strategies, and not only for altruistic reasons.
The Business and Sustainable Development Commission previously estimated that companies and investors could unlock at least US$12 trillion in market opportunities by 2030 and create up to 380 million jobs by pursuing just a few key SDGs.
At the World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, in January, the UN Global Compact and Pacific Investment Management Co (PIMCO) jointly urged companies, investors and governments around the world to make the SDGs a high priority and explore ways of financing progress toward them, including through new instruments such as “SDG bonds.”
Global cooperation is crucial for our common security and economic success, but it is under threat. By publicly supporting multilateralism, business and finance leaders can help to shape a more prosperous and sustainable future — for their organizations and the world.
Lise Kingo is executive officer of the UN Global Compact. Scott Mather is chief investment officer of US core strategies at PIMCO.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its People’s Liberation Army (PLA) reach the point of confidence that they can start and win a war to destroy the democratic culture on Taiwan, any future decision to do so may likely be directly affected by the CCP’s ability to promote wars on the Korean Peninsula, in Europe, or, as most recently, on the Indian subcontinent. It stands to reason that the Trump Administration’s success early on May 10 to convince India and Pakistan to deescalate their four-day conventional military conflict, assessed to be close to a nuclear weapons exchange, also served to
China on May 23, 1951, imposed the so-called “17-Point Agreement” to formally annex Tibet. In March, China in its 18th White Paper misleadingly said it laid “firm foundations for the region’s human rights cause.” The agreement is invalid in international law, because it was signed under threat. Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, head of the Tibetan delegation sent to China for peace negotiations, was not authorized to sign the agreement on behalf of the Tibetan government and the delegation was made to sign it under duress. After seven decades, Tibet remains intact and there is global outpouring of sympathy for Tibetans. This realization
After India’s punitive precision strikes targeting what New Delhi called nine terrorist sites inside Pakistan, reactions poured in from governments around the world. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) issued a statement on May 10, opposing terrorism and expressing concern about the growing tensions between India and Pakistan. The statement noticeably expressed support for the Indian government’s right to maintain its national security and act against terrorists. The ministry said that it “works closely with democratic partners worldwide in staunch opposition to international terrorism” and expressed “firm support for all legitimate and necessary actions taken by the government of India
The recent aerial clash between Pakistan and India offers a glimpse of how China is narrowing the gap in military airpower with the US. It is a warning not just for Washington, but for Taipei, too. Claims from both sides remain contested, but a broader picture is emerging among experts who track China’s air force and fighter jet development: Beijing’s defense systems are growing increasingly credible. Pakistan said its deployment of Chinese-manufactured J-10C fighters downed multiple Indian aircraft, although New Delhi denies this. There are caveats: Even if Islamabad’s claims are accurate, Beijing’s equipment does not offer a direct comparison
RSS