China has grown fabulously wealthy over the past 30 years, and especially the past decade. In the same period, the West has gone through a seemingly constant cycle of boom and bust, followed by the deep “recession” that set in a couple of years ago and shows no sign of ending any time soon.
How did China grow so wealthy while the West was hollowed out? The simple answer is by manufacturing all the junk the West can’t live without, at a cheaper price than anybody else. To buy China’s junk, which is now increasingly supplemented by high-quality, high-technology products, Western countries had to buy the Chinese yuan with their own currencies to facilitate international trade. Because China’s currency is not freely convertible, most of that foreign currency — the lion’s share of which, coming from the world’s biggest consumer, was US dollars — wound up in China, where officials had to decide what to do with the mountains of cash they were accumulating.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union — and just before the US decided it was going to be the world’s only superpower — one Chinese official must have had a bright idea: “Aiya! We can buy US bonds [debt].”
China then bankrolled the largest growth spurt in US history, while the US dug itself into the deepest hole any would-be empire has ever gotten itself into. About 20 years later, and after a decade of war, the creditor is coming back to bite the US in the rear.
China now has unprecedented political “influence” over the US. It is not complete, of course, but when you see US officials kowtowing every time Chinese President Hu Jintao (胡錦濤) shows up — US President Barack Obama bowed pretty deeply to Hu when he visited Washington — and begging China to not drop US bonds — something US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton did after Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (溫家寶) questioned the safety of the US dollar — it gives you an idea of just how far the US is willing to bend over for China.
Like Bobby Fischer, China played an exquisite game of chess — and the US lost, even though China was by far the weaker of the two just three decades ago.
This strategy worked so successfully with the US that China is now looking to do the same thing with Europe. At least, that was the message Wen was sending on Wednesday when he told the World Economic Forum that China would ramp up investments in Europe despite the recent flight of capital from the eurozone by investors who are increasingly pessimistic about the future.
China looks set to buy Europe on the cheap. First Greece, Portugal and Spain; then Italy, and who knows who will be next.
Chinese officials did not help the US out of the kindness of their hearts, and their interest in the eurozone is anything but philanthropic. Beijing has already hinted that it would very much like the EU to give China “full market-economy status” in the near future, despite most of China’s largest companies being state-run, if it is to pour money into Europe and thus save the euro — quid pro quo.
That makes it two for China and zero for the rest of the world.
A few more years of this, and we should not be surprised to see China as the newest member of the EU — which would probably be a lot better for the rest of Europe than inviting in Croatia.
Meanwhile, the US might, as Bolivian President Evo Morales once said, find itself increasingly resembling a Chinese colony.
The image was oddly quiet. No speeches, no flags, no dramatic announcements — just a Chinese cargo ship cutting through arctic ice and arriving in Britain in October. The Istanbul Bridge completed a journey that once existed only in theory, shaving weeks off traditional shipping routes. On paper, it was a story about efficiency. In strategic terms, it was about timing. Much like politics, arriving early matters. Especially when the route, the rules and the traffic are still undefined. For years, global politics has trained us to watch the loud moments: warships in the Taiwan Strait, sanctions announced at news conferences, leaders trading
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
The Executive Yuan and the Presidential Office on Monday announced that they would not countersign or promulgate the amendments to the Act Governing the Allocation of Government Revenues and Expenditures (財政收支劃分法) passed by the Legislative Yuan — a first in the nation’s history and the ultimate measure the central government could take to counter what it called an unconstitutional legislation. Since taking office last year, the legislature — dominated by the opposition alliance of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Taiwan People’s Party — has passed or proposed a slew of legislation that has stirred controversy and debate, such as extending
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) legislators have twice blocked President William Lai’s (賴清德) special defense budget bill in the Procedure Committee, preventing it from entering discussion or review. Meanwhile, KMT Legislator Chen Yu-jen (陳玉珍) proposed amendments that would enable lawmakers to use budgets for their assistants at their own discretion — with no requirement for receipts, staff registers, upper or lower headcount limits, or usage restrictions — prompting protest from legislative assistants. After the new legislature convened in February, the KMT joined forces with the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) and, leveraging their slim majority, introduced bills that undermine the Constitution, disrupt constitutional