Opinion polls show the majority of people believe the indictment of former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) to be a matter of political manipulation and persecution because Lee’s talk about “ousting Ma to save Taiwan” has threatened President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) chances at re-election.
The “oust Ma to save Taiwan” mantra hits straight at the heart of the matter. It has frightened Ma, who has resorted to the political persecution of Lee.
That Ma has issued this judicial threat makes it clear that he is trying to eliminate anyone who promotes a Taiwanese identity.
Lee’s slogan sounds familiar. In the early 1970s, the US started to change its policies toward China, Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) and his entourage were kicked out of the UN and the Chinese Nationalist Party’s (KMT) diplomacy collapsed.
The supporters of the traditional system of government lost momentum and Chiang’s son Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) became premier, putting in place a policy of “implementing reform to protect Taiwan,” employing ethnic Taiwanese and carrying out what US diplomats referred to as “Taiwanization.”
With the “implementing reform to protect Taiwan” strategy up and running, Lee, at the time a technical specialist at the Sino-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction, was suddenly catapulted up several levels in the official ranks, and joined Chiang Ching-kuo’s Cabinet as a minister without portfolio.
It seems likely that Lee understood that this was linked to the political environment of the time and Chiang Ching-kuo’s efforts at “protecting Taiwan.”
Chiang Ching-kuo’s relying in “Taiwanization” to save Taiwan was criticized by his father’s former officials, who said it violated his father’s feudal idea that “gentlemen and thieves cannot coexist.”
However, movements to “save Taiwan” were, and still are, aimed precisely at stopping Taiwan from being swallowed up by “thieves.”
When Lee became president, he was even more active in carrying out democratization, localization and ending hostilities with China, and his interactions with China were based on the principle that Taiwan’s sovereignty and independence must not be harmed. The purpose was to “save Taiwan” and to make sure that it was not annexed by China.
After having experienced Chiang Ching-kuo’s attempts to save Taiwan through reform, Lee of course cannot agree with how Ma neglects consolidating a domestic consensus for democracy, human rights and the protection of Taiwan and instead does all he can to forge a “one China” consensus with China, which has greatly endangered Taiwan’s sovereign and independent status.
Chiang Kai-shek had no concept of democracy or nation and was fond of quoting ancient chancellor Zhu Geliang’s (諸葛亮) aforementioned saying about how “gentlemen and thieves cannot coexist.” Ma, who has received a modern democratic education, quotes the author of the centuries-old Chinese novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which says that “after a long split, a union will occur and after a long union, a split will occur.”
Ma is not committed to saving Taiwan and is more interested in accepting China’s “peaceful” annexation. The “oust Ma to save Taiwan” mantra is extremely powerful because it highlights how Ma has betrayed Chiang Ching-kuo, Lee and the vast majority of Taiwanese who are unwilling to see Taiwan annexed by China.
James Wang is a media commentator.
TRANSLATED BY DREW CAMERON
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval