On the eve of the second anniversary of President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) inauguration, Taiwan Thinktank released the results of a public opinion poll showing that his approval rating stood at a mere 32.1 percent, while 58.6 percent of respondents said they were dissatisfied with his performance. The top reason cited for their dissatisfaction was Ma’s “pro-China policies and neglect of national sovereignty.” This was followed by a “poor economy” and “failure to care for the general public.” The results of the opinion poll show a fundamental flaw in Ma’s policymaking.
The government is leaning toward China not only because of Ma’s personal ideology, but also because of his belief in the “one China” paradigm, which has limited his perspective and even distorted his understanding of reality.
The “one China” paradigm has led him to believe that China’s economy can develop independently of the world economy and that, so long as Taiwan’s economy is integrated with China’s, Taiwan will become “a little giant by standing on the shoulders of the great giant.”
As early as 2007 or 2008, there were already special media reports describing how the financial crisis adversely affected Taiwanese businesspeople in China. However, Ma chose to ignore them and continued to praise reliance on China, saying there was nothing to fear from the global financial crisis, and campaigned for office with his famous “6-3-3” policy (annual GDP growth of 6 percent, annual per capita income of US$30,000 and an unemployment rate of less than 3 percent). He also promised that business in Kaohsiung would take off as soon as direct links were established and that China’s policy of encouraging people living in rural areas to purchase household appliances would help Taiwan ride out the economic storm.
However, because of its blind belief in the “one China” paradigm, the government does not seem to care that these election promises have failed one after the other, and that its credibility is shot.
Believing that economics is the only solution, the government has overwhelmingly increased its stake in China. Despite the fact that unemployment has risen as a result of the “active opening up” policy initiated by former president Chen Shui-bian’s (陳水扁) administration in 2001 — creating a business model through which Taiwanese companies receive orders in Taiwan but manufacture the products in China, leading to a flood of Taiwanese businesses relocating to China over the past 10 years — the Ma administration has continued to blindly push this policy.
In order to pander to Beijing and increase Taiwan’s economic reliance on China, the government has repeatedly compromised Taiwan’s sovereignty. When Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) visited Taiwan two years ago, clashes erupted as police chased after Taiwanese to stop them from displaying the national flag. The Presidential Office then declared a diplomatic truce, which placed cross-strait relations above diplomacy and promoted the idea that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are two regions of the same country.
When Typhoon Morakot hit in August last year, the government refused to allow US helicopters to take part in rescue efforts because it was afraid of antagonizing China. Through all these events, Ma has never been able to explain to the public whether he is the president of a sovereign country or the leader of a Chinese satellite state.
Improvements in cross-strait relations are a good thing and have met approval in Taiwan, but kowtowing so readily to Beijing has also raised public concern and increasingly strained government credibility.
It seems the three issues causing the most public discontent are all closely related to the “one China” approach. Unless the government can bring about a paradigm shift, it will not be able to resolve the credibility crisis for the remainder of Ma’s presidency.
Lin Cho-shui is a former Democratic Progressive Party legislator.
TRANSLATED BY PERRY SVENSSON
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several