When news broke on Monday that the coast guard had dispatched five vessels to the East China Sea in response to a dispute over fishing waters, Tokyo may have wondered what to expect from President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) government this time around. After enduring repeated snubs from the Ma administration over the past year and a half, Japanese officials can be forgiven if they heaved a sigh and thought: “Here we go again.”
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Legislator Shuai Hua-min (帥化民) was quick to react, ready to revive the dispute over territory in the area that flared last summer, when a Taiwanese fishing boat and Japanese coast guard vessel collided near the Diaoyutai (釣魚台) islets.
Shuai yesterday called on the government to complain to Tokyo.
“The Japanese coast guard had no right to board the fishing boat as Taiwanese law enforcement officials were present,” Agence France-Presse quoted him as saying.
Shuai’s hasty conclusion was typical of his party, which seems inclined to assume that Tokyo is always in the wrong. This contrasts sharply with the party’s treatment of Beijing, where China, it seems, can do no wrong — no matter how great the insult to Taiwan and its people.
Thankfully, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ response yesterday was subdued, calling for calm while the situation is resolved and details ascertained.
The ministry should exercise restraint this time if it hopes to repair any ill feelings between Tokyo and Taipei following last year’s Diaoyutai incident. In that incident, MOFA accused Japan of “inhumane behavior” after a Japanese probe into the collision said the Taiwanese boat had been at fault.
The Ma government overreacted, recalling the nation’s envoy, Koh Seh-kai (許世楷), from Japan and announcing that the ministry would dissolve its Committee of Japanese Affairs. At home, Koh suffered verbal abuse from KMT legislators, who accused him of being a “traitor” and a “Japanese spy.”
Tokyo, by contrast, apologized to the boat’s captain, coming across as sophisticated and dedicated to maintaining the two countries’ friendship. (Months later, it also compensated him.) Despite the embarrassing behavior of the Ma administration and other KMT members, Japan seemed determined not to let the situation spiral into a more serious spat.
Ill will did not stop there, however. The Ma government last spring summoned Japan’s envoy to Taipei after he dared to state the obvious by saying that Taiwan’s status was “unresolved.” Again, Tokyo apologized and handled the situation with good form. Envoy Masaki Saito was nevertheless repeatedly snubbed by officials in Ma’s government.
Considering the KMT’s history, rash displays of counterproductive patriotism directed against Japan risk being interpreted as racist. They are reminiscent of treatment Tokyo can expect from Beijing, which some academics believe encourages anti-Japanese sentiment among its populace to stoke nationalism.
The KMT’s anti-Japanese streak would be disturbing enough without the fact that Tokyo is a key friend of Taiwan with a stake in the balance of power in the region. Anti-Japanese sentiment could undermine Taiwan’s best interests.
The Ma government now has an opportunity to show its “goodwill” toward a friend with a new government. The administration’s response this time should be measured and respectful.
The cancelation this week of President William Lai’s (賴清德) state visit to Eswatini, after the Seychelles, Madagascar and Mauritius revoked overflight permits under Chinese pressure, is one more measure of Taiwan’s shrinking executive diplomatic space. Another channel that deserves attention keeps growing while the first contracts. For several years now, Taipei has been one of Europe’s busiest legislative destinations. Where presidents and foreign ministers cannot land, parliamentarians do — and they do it in rising numbers. The Italian parliament opened the year with its largest bipartisan delegation to Taiwan to date: six Italian deputies and one senator, drawn from six
Recently, Taipei’s streets have been plagued by the bizarre sight of rats running rampant and the city government’s countermeasures have devolved into an anti-intellectual farce. The Taipei Parks and Street Lights Office has attempted to eradicate rats by filling their burrows with polyurethane foam, seeming to believe that rats could not simply dig another path out. Meanwhile, as the nation’s capital slowly deteriorates into a rat hive, the Taipei Department of Environmental Protection has proudly pointed to the increase in the number of poisoned rats reported in February and March as a sign of success. When confronted with public concerns over young
Taiwan and India are important partners, yet this reality is increasingly being overshadowed in current debates. At a time when Taiwan-India relations are at a crossroads, with clear potential for deeper engagement and cooperation, the labor agreement signed in February 2024 has become a source of friction. The proposal to bring in 1,000 migrant workers from India is already facing significant resistance, with a petition calling for its “indefinite suspension” garnering more than 40,000 signatures. What should have been a straightforward and practical step forward has instead become controversial. The agreement had the potential to serve as a milestone in
China has long given assurances that it would not interfere in free access to the global commons. As one Ministry of Defense spokesperson put it in 2024, “the Chinese side always respects the freedom of navigation and overflight entitled to countries under international law.” Although these reassurances have always been disingenuous, China’s recent actions display a blatant disregard for these principles. Countries that care about civilian air safety should take note. In April, President Lai Ching-te (賴清德) canceled a planned trip to Eswatini for the 40th anniversary of King Mswati III’s coronation and the 58th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic