The Ministry of Education surprised nobody with its announcement on Wednesday that it intended to change the name of National Taiwan Democracy Memorial Hall back to Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall (中正紀念堂) by July.
The only surprise for most people was that it took so long.
With the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) so singularly unwilling to conduct even the slightest iota of reflection on its continued unwavering worship of dictator Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石) — a man considered by most of the rest of the world as a corrupt, megalomaniac butcher — it seems Taiwanese will never experience transitional justice of any form.
The biggest hurdle to this is that there are still far too many people in high office — including President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) — who owe everything to the cronyism and patronage networks that were constructed under the Chiang dynasty. Until such people fall from grace — something that does not look likely to happen anytime soon — Taiwan and those whose families suffered at the hands of the Chiangs during the 228 Incident and the ensuing White Terror will continue to be denied a chance for truth and reconciliation.
Instead, they will have to endure the prospect of daily encounters with the countless statues, memorials and places dedicated to the dead dictator that dot the nation.
While it is true that many Taiwanese hold Chiang’s son Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國) in high esteem — despite his earlier stint as chief of the White Terror secret police — because he oversaw a period of rapid economic development and began efforts to localize the KMT, it is doubtful whether they hold Chiang the elder in equal regard.
This is probably why the ministry reneged on promises to wait until a public “consensus” had been reached before deciding how to resolve the name issue, as it knew it would be impossible to reach the consensus it required in a forum open to anyone.
The other reason for the decision to roll back the change is that Chiang is a vital part of the KMT narrative that Taiwan — or the Republic of China — was and still is part of China.
This view may not be shared by a majority of people, but it needs to be kept alive if the Ma administration is to continue its rapprochement with the Chinese Communist Party and smooth the way for eventual unification.
The KMT and Ma, for that matter, have been completely honest and open about their wish for such an outcome.
But for this to become a reality, it first has to reverse all the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) attempts at de-sinification, and then set about shaping public opinion in preparation for a future cross-strait deal of some kind.
Work to this end began when the KMT came back to power in May and the name change, along with a president who shows no compunction about paying homage at Chiang Kai-shek’s tomb each year on his birthday, are just two elements of this depressing, yet increasingly fast process.
A few weeks ago in Kaohsiung, tech mogul turned political pundit Robert Tsao (曹興誠) joined Western Washington University professor Chen Shih-fen (陳時奮) for a public forum in support of Taiwan’s recall campaign. Kaohsiung, already the most Taiwanese independence-minded city in Taiwan, was not in need of a recall. So Chen took a different approach: He made the case that unification with China would be too expensive to work. The argument was unusual. Most of the time, we hear that Taiwan should remain free out of respect for democracy and self-determination, but cost? That is not part of the usual script, and
Behind the gloating, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) must be letting out a big sigh of relief. Its powerful party machine saved the day, but it took that much effort just to survive a challenge mounted by a humble group of active citizens, and in areas where the KMT is historically strong. On the other hand, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) must now realize how toxic a brand it has become to many voters. The campaigners’ amateurism is what made them feel valid and authentic, but when the DPP belatedly inserted itself into the campaign, it did more harm than good. The
For nearly eight decades, Taiwan has provided a home for, and shielded and nurtured, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). After losing the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the KMT fled to Taiwan, bringing with it hundreds of thousands of soldiers, along with people who would go on to become public servants and educators. The party settled and prospered in Taiwan, and it developed and governed the nation. Taiwan gave the party a second chance. It was Taiwanese who rebuilt order from the ruins of war, through their own sweat and tears. It was Taiwanese who joined forces with democratic activists
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) held a news conference to celebrate his party’s success in surviving Saturday’s mass recall vote, shortly after the final results were confirmed. While the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) would have much preferred a different result, it was not a defeat for the DPP in the same sense that it was a victory for the KMT: Only KMT legislators were facing recalls. That alone should have given Chu cause to reflect, acknowledge any fault, or perhaps even consider apologizing to his party and the nation. However, based on his speech, Chu showed
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