If democracy had a life cycle, Taiwanese democracy would have entered a period of mourning following President Ma Ying-jeou’s (馬英九) accession to power six months ago.
If the eight years of governance by former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) were a time of dejection filled with a mixture of passion and disappointment, Ma’s accession would be the start of a recollection of past politics.
Cherishing memories of the past, one often feels depressed about the current situation. This is because neither of the two major political parties are willing to face reality and take an unbiased look at the economy, social welfare, cross-strait relations and national identity. This is related to the changes that have taken place in the political, cultural and social fields since martial law was lifted 20 years ago.
Over the past 20 years, Taiwan has improved in many ways with people making contributions in each of these fields. Unfortunately, the two major political parties and their election discourse have failed to take a good look at the new political processes that these upward changes have brought about.
For example, during Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin’s (陳雲林) visit to Taiwan, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) referred to the nation’s biggest opposition party as “a violent party,” an epithet used during the martial law era. The Democratic Progressive Party (DDP) immediately said Ma, who was elected with over 7 million votes, and his administration were the “restoration of a dethroned monarch.” Twenty years of work seemed to have vanished overnight. Both parties seemed to have returned to the simple logic of 20 years ago: The KMT only had to play the “stability” card by accusing the DPP of resorting to violence to win public support, while on the other hand, the DPP branded the KMT as a wicked “evil party” oppressing any progressive forces in society.
It is this fond recollection of the past that blinds each party from seeing the development of the other. Both the KMT and the DPP claim to be aware of the benevolent power of Taiwanese society and understand the caring and respectful attitude of the public after frequent visits to the countryside, on foot or by bike. Why can’t they perceive their counterparts in Taipei in the same way? Even if they have different opinions, they also love Taiwan.
These politicians have together experienced the changes over the past 20 years and they have tried to understand the changing culture and society and find a way out for all of us.
Despite the contentious national identity issue, we see that political workers from both parties have made contributions to Taiwan. Without oppressive state-led nationalism, the disputes over national identity are solvable. The early KMT financial experts indeed laid a solid economic foundation for a new generation while the DPP introduced the progressive values of environmental protection, social welfare, women’s rights, labor rights and Aboriginal rights. Former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝) and his KMT administration implemented these values including the promotion of public health insurance, the free election of the legislature and the abolition of Article 100 of the Criminal Code, which classed non-violent advocacy of communism and Taiwanese independence as sedition.
The results of my research indicate that the Taipei City Government’s consistent policies regarding community empowerment have been the source of the city’s advanced politics. Also, local vitality could be a by-product of Chen’s eight years in office — a valuable accomplishment. An example of this vitality is the Taiwanese film Cape No. 7. Another example is Ma’s efforts to protect homosexual rights during his term as Taipei mayor, such as the annual gay parade. These efforts were lauded by international organizations.
It is the participation by both parties in social and political movements that has defined Taiwanese values. Maybe neither side is clearly aware of, or even willing to admit that they experienced these turbulent times together. This is as true for the past 20 years as it was for the 40 years before that. Each individual’s interpretation of the significance of an era will differ or may conflict with another person’s, depending on social class, sex, ethnicity and family background. However, each individual or group is sincere in their wish to overcome restrictions, bring down obstacles, get to know each other, prevent past tragedies from recurring and regain the happiness that they used to enjoy.
Recalling the past blinds us from seeing the changes and growth of others. We always assume that others remain the same as they were 20 years ago. KMT legislators could point at stones on the ground and say they are evidence of premeditation, as in the farmers’ demonstration on May 20, 1988, which led to brutal clashes between protesters and police. The DPP could also associate the police brutality that occurred during the Chinese envoy’s visit with the restoration of the old authoritarian government.
Because of these misunderstandings, demonstrators were so furious that they resorted to violence. Everybody thought only rioters were beaten by police and that protesters only threw stones at the lackeys of the restored authoritarian government.
We forgot that the victims were also made of flesh and blood and have emotions.
This is the predicament facing Taiwanese democracy. Past experience is becoming present reality. Mourning is not completely negative as it makes us take pause and engage in some soul searching. The power to surpass ourselves comes from the power to not be influenced by past prejudice. The past is not a cage. Instead, it is a tool that helps us break through the current impasse and move on. Only then can we all live on this land in shared happiness.
Chuang Ya-chung is associate professor and chair of the Department of Humanities and Social Science at National Chiao Tung University.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
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