The anniversary of the Tiananmen Square Massacre came and went without any major incidents and Beijing is no doubt breathing a sigh of relief. Mourning was — as usual — banned, authorities harassed those trying to commemorate the day in Beijing and a silent parade to grieve for the victims of the June 4, 1989, massacre passed through Hong Kong.
This year, the sorrow was compounded by the devastating Sichuan earthquake, with the Tiananmen Mothers and other groups calling for China to honor the victims of state violence with the same public recognition — such as flying flags at half mast — afforded the thousands killed in the natural disaster.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), meanwhile, issued a short statement that was not only weak, but actually praised Beijing for its supposed progress. This marked a significant departure from Ma’s usual commemoration of June 4.
Praising Beijing’s record on human rights on the anniversary of one of its cruelest crackdowns took unabashed kowtowing to a whole new level. The Tiananmen Square Massacre is not a closed chapter from the distant past. Although 19 years have elapsed, the punishment continues and Beijing’s anger has not abated. The true number of demonstrators from the Tiananmen protests who are still imprisoned is unknown, but it is believed to be upwards of 100 or even 200, based on information that rights groups have collected from families.
In addition, the number of people arrested since 1989 for commemorating June 4, campaigning for the release of June 4 prisoners or discussing its significance is likewise not publicized. Nevertheless, each new arrest is an unmistakable signal to the people of China of what they risk should they dare to openly broach the subject.
This June 4 was as somber as any other year. In this context, the difference in Ma’s method of commemoration was patently political. His mind wasn’t on the improvements he commended, but his mission to fulfill campaign promises post haste.
Beijing’s cross-strait signals remain strategically ambiguous in spite of Ma’s persistent gestures of goodwill. He was likely concerned that any criticism would give China an excuse to embarrass him this week when the Straits Exchange Foundation sits down with Beijing’s Association on Relations Across the Taiwan Strait.
Ma lauded the openness in the wake of last month’s earthquake and the freedoms granted to media reporting on the catastrophe. Chinese journalist Shi Tao (師濤), meanwhile, remained in prison, serving a 10-year term for his e-mail to an overseas Web site concerning the media blackout on commemorating June 4. As for Tibet, which Ma failed to mention in his statement, foreign journalists are still denied access. And in Sichuan, reporters have been forcibly taken from the scene of grief-stricken parents demanding accountability from those officials responsible for the construction of substandard school buildings.
The distressing situation that Ma has previously recognized and lamented by stepping forward on June 4 has not changed. Out of respect for those who lost their lives in 1989 and those still denied their freedom two decades later, silence would have been preferable to Ma complimenting Beijing on that of all days.
There is much evidence that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is sending soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — and is learning lessons for a future war against Taiwan. Until now, the CCP has claimed that they have not sent PLA personnel to support Russian aggression. On 18 April, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelinskiy announced that the CCP is supplying war supplies such as gunpowder, artillery, and weapons subcomponents to Russia. When Zelinskiy announced on 9 April that the Ukrainian Army had captured two Chinese nationals fighting with Russians on the front line with details
On a quiet lane in Taipei’s central Daan District (大安), an otherwise unremarkable high-rise is marked by a police guard and a tawdry A4 printout from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicating an “embassy area.” Keen observers would see the emblem of the Holy See, one of Taiwan’s 12 so-called “diplomatic allies.” Unlike Taipei’s other embassies and quasi-consulates, no national flag flies there, nor is there a plaque indicating what country’s embassy this is. Visitors hoping to sign a condolence book for the late Pope Francis would instead have to visit the Italian Trade Office, adjacent to Taipei 101. The death of
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), joined by the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), held a protest on Saturday on Ketagalan Boulevard in Taipei. They were essentially standing for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is anxious about the mass recall campaign against KMT legislators. President William Lai (賴清德) said that if the opposition parties truly wanted to fight dictatorship, they should do so in Tiananmen Square — and at the very least, refrain from groveling to Chinese officials during their visits to China, alluding to meetings between KMT members and Chinese authorities. Now that China has been defined as a foreign hostile force,
On April 19, former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) gave a public speech, his first in about 17 years. During the address at the Ketagalan Institute in Taipei, Chen’s words were vague and his tone was sour. He said that democracy should not be used as an echo chamber for a single politician, that people must be tolerant of other views, that the president should not act as a dictator and that the judiciary should not get involved in politics. He then went on to say that others with different opinions should not be criticized as “XX fellow travelers,” in reference to
RSS