For Chinese President Hu Jintao (
Then, as now, security forces and Tibetan protesters clashed outside the Jokhang, the holiest Tibetan temple, rioters burned police cars outside the Potala palace and troops surrounded monasteries.
But it is the differences that may be more relevant in understanding why the protests are taking place today and how Hu might respond.
In 1989 the eyes of the world were distracted. It was a year of protest in which the Berlin Wall fell and the Tiananmen Square massacre occurred. The clashes in Tibet were a small part of what seemed -- in the West -- a bigger, global story.
Today the eyes of the world are on China. The Olympic Games are focusing attention on a country whose economic and diplomatic power have made it more important than ever before.
For the Chinese Communist Party, the Games are an opportunity to show its success in lifting hundreds of millions out of poverty. For critics, it is a chance to bring human rights abuses, authoritarian rule and unfair treatment of minorities into the international spotlight.
Tibet is torn, more than anywhere else, by the country's development, which has brought Hu's concept of "scientific development" into one of the most spiritually rich, but materially backward places on Earth. Beijing has pumped tens of billions of yuan into the region, building Tibet's first railway, and other big infrastructure projects, which have helped the region's economy grow by 13.8 percent last year, faster than most other areas of China.
But Tibetan nationalists feel they are losing their identity. The benefits of investment, they say, go mostly to Han Chinese settlers rather than the indigenous population. For them, the railway to Beijing has accelerated the influx of outsiders.
The anger was all too apparent on Friday in the attacks on Han Chinese. Several witnesses reported mobs beating any Chinese they found. At least one Han-owned shop was burned and the windows of many buildings smashed.
It is unclear whether the violence was premeditated, but the timing, coordination and boldness of the initial demonstrations suggested they were more clearly planned than in 1989.
The first protests in Lhasa and other Tibetan communities around the world occurred on the anniversary of the failed 1959 uprising against Chinese rule which forced Tibet's spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, to flee into exile in India.
"This is a date pregnant with significance for Tibetans," said Matt Whitticase of the Free Tibet Campaign. "Given that the protests started on that date in this particular year, you have to assume that Tibetans picked it to mark the start of protests up to the Olympics."
So who is behind the latest trouble? China has no doubt, blaming the "Dalai clique" for attempting to destabilize the region. The Dalai Lama's spokesman said allegations that he was behind the protests were baseless. But he has so far done nothing to stop the demonstrations, which are growing more intense.
The 72-year-old certainly has the means to stir up protest. After nearly 50 years in exile, he is still venerated in Tibet. Although any sign of support for the Dalai Lama is illegal, locals ask tourists for pictures and some Tibetan temples in Yunnan, Sichuan and Qinghai display his photograph.
His authority was evident last year when Tibetans staged mass "fur-burning" demonstrations after he spoke out against the slaughter of endangered animals for their pelts. China responded by ordering newscasters on local TV to wear fur.
Although his mantra is one of compassion and peace, the Dalai Lama is surrounded by frustration. Five years of talks between his envoys and those of Beijing have made no tangible progress. China says he is a "splittist" with a secret agenda of independence.
Many Tibetan supporters feel the talks are aimed at stringing the Dalai Lama along until he dies, after which Beijing can replace him with a lama of their choosing as they have already done with the Panchen Lama -- the second highest figure in Tibetan Buddhism.
In the past year, there has been a noticeable escalation of verbal hostilities.
Beijing has stepped up its rhetoric, accusing the Dalai Lama of being a feudal, superstitious figure. He has responded with plans for a referendum among Tibetans to choose his reincarnation -- a dramatic change from the usually esoteric process of selection.
Earlier this year, he appeared to go a step further in a television interview, where he said peaceful protest was "worthwhile" in advance of the Olympics. Although aides later said his words were taken out of context, the events of the past week suggest many Tibetans feel otherwise.
President William Lai (賴清德) attended a dinner held by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) when representatives from the group visited Taiwan in October. In a speech at the event, Lai highlighted similarities in the geopolitical challenges faced by Israel and Taiwan, saying that the two countries “stand on the front line against authoritarianism.” Lai noted how Taiwan had “immediately condemned” the Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel by Hamas and had provided humanitarian aid. Lai was heavily criticized from some quarters for standing with AIPAC and Israel. On Nov. 4, the Taipei Times published an opinion article (“Speak out on the
The image was oddly quiet. No speeches, no flags, no dramatic announcements — just a Chinese cargo ship cutting through arctic ice and arriving in Britain in October. The Istanbul Bridge completed a journey that once existed only in theory, shaving weeks off traditional shipping routes. On paper, it was a story about efficiency. In strategic terms, it was about timing. Much like politics, arriving early matters. Especially when the route, the rules and the traffic are still undefined. For years, global politics has trained us to watch the loud moments: warships in the Taiwan Strait, sanctions announced at news conferences, leaders trading
Eighty-seven percent of Taiwan’s energy supply this year came from burning fossil fuels, with more than 47 percent of that from gas-fired power generation. The figures attracted international attention since they were in October published in a Reuters report, which highlighted the fragility and structural challenges of Taiwan’s energy sector, accumulated through long-standing policy choices. The nation’s overreliance on natural gas is proving unstable and inadequate. The rising use of natural gas does not project an image of a Taiwan committed to a green energy transition; rather, it seems that Taiwan is attempting to patch up structural gaps in lieu of
News about expanding security cooperation between Israel and Taiwan, including the visits of Deputy Minister of National Defense Po Horng-huei (柏鴻輝) in September and Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Francois Wu (吳志中) this month, as well as growing ties in areas such as missile defense and cybersecurity, should not be viewed as isolated events. The emphasis on missile defense, including Taiwan’s newly introduced T-Dome project, is simply the most visible sign of a deeper trend that has been taking shape quietly over the past two to three years. Taipei is seeking to expand security and defense cooperation with Israel, something officials