In former president Lee Teng-hui's (
Lee advocated the gradual marginalization and downsizing of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), which to this day has been unable to transform itself into a pro-localization party and the formation of a third political force consisting of the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) and other pro-localization forces that could cooperate and compete with the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in a local-oriented two-party system.
In response to Lee's speech, a KMT spokesperson said the party has been local-oriented ever since the lifting of martial law in 1987. Still, despite the party's localization efforts in the 1990s, former KMT chairman Lien Chan (連戰) returned the party to a pro-Chinese line in 2000 with his frequent visits to China and his vow to join hands with Beijing to suppress Taiwanese independence. Today, the KMT's presidential candidate, Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九), is surrounded by dark-blue strategists whose vulgar campaign strategies run counter to localization.
The DPP may not agree with Lee's criticism that it is able to manipulate elections and hold pro-green voters hostage simply by pressing the unification-independence issue. But when Lee said the recent lack of intra-party unity and the negative impact of the new legislative electoral system meant the DPP might "lose its pants" in the January legislative elections, he was not trying to make a sensational statement.
He believes the DPP and the TSU together would be stronger than the DPP on its own, and that this would help safeguard a locally oriented government. He also thinks the TSU can be a positive counterbalance to the DPP, stabilizing its Taiwan awareness and preventing it from becoming corrupt.
Lee wants the TSU to move toward a social democratic, more liberal center-left position, so that a future locally oriented two-party system would also cover both left and right wing views.
The longstanding divergence on national identity and the division between the pan-blue and the pan-green camps have been conditioned by post-war historical and international developments and were not created by the two camps. But, it is true that they should be criticized for adding fuel to the fire and harming the public interest by prioritizing personal benefits.
Still, the existing political and social divergence will not remain unchanged forever. This can be seen in the pan-blue leaders over the past few years gradually daring to follow some of the pan-green camps policies.
The new electoral system has caused People First Party members to prefer a merger with the KMT, a clear reflection of the trend toward a weakening pan-blue camp and a strengthened pan-green camp.
What we can be sure of, however, is that to reach the goal of a locally oriented two-party system, the TSU must avoid disappearing in the elections. In addition to nominating good candidates, the party must also manifest a clear and firm policy direction.
Otherwise, voters will not consider voting for the TSU in the new electoral system.
Chen Yi-shen is an associate research fellow at Academia Sinica's Institute of Modern History.
Translated by Eddy Chang
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
As Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu’s party won by a landslide in Sunday’s parliamentary election, it is a good time to take another look at recent developments in the Maldivian foreign policy. While Muizzu has been promoting his “Maldives First” policy, the agenda seems to have lost sight of a number of factors. Contemporary Maldivian policy serves as a stark illustration of how a blend of missteps in public posturing, populist agendas and inattentive leadership can lead to diplomatic setbacks and damage a country’s long-term foreign policy priorities. Over the past few months, Maldivian foreign policy has entangled itself in playing