The elimination of poverty must remain at the top of the policy agenda in Latin America and the Caribbean, where inequality is higher than in any other region and one in five people survive on little more than US$2 per day (as measured by the 1993 "purchasing power parity" exchange rate).
Poverty is an intrinsically dynamic phenomenon. Poor people are locked into a low-level asset -- or capability -- trap. Hence, poverty reduction efforts must seek to provide incentives that will encourage the poor to acquire assets and capabilities that will enable them to escape poverty.
It is impossible to make serious inroads against poverty without generating persistent economic growth. But based on the continent's economic performance over the last 15 years, growth alone is unlikely to reduce poverty by more than 25 percent in the next 10 years.
Even if policymakers were successful in creating an environment that better rewards investment and so promotes faster growth, Latin America's ills would not be solved. The high level of income inequality requires specific poverty reduction efforts.
Indeed, a striking feature of Latin America is that very little redistribution currently takes place. Taxes generally have little redistributive effect, because most countries rely heavily on indirect taxes. Even Chile's tax system -- the most effective in Latin America -- is regressive. Personal income tax revenue is low in Latin America and the Caribbean, suggesting that there is scope for policymakers to increase intake so that they have more money to distribute to those in need.
There is a compelling economic case for increased public investment early in a child's life.
Severe malnutrition in early childhood harms cognitive development. Growth lost in early years is never recovered. Measures to reduce the prevalence of iron deficiency, anemia and vitamin A, iodine and zinc deficiencies -- which remain significant in some countries in the region -- would have a positive impact. Improving the nutrition of infants and young children by promoting both breastfeeding and better knowledge of weaning foods would be a cost-effective opportunity, with benefits between five and seven times higher than the costs.
Conditional cash transfers are another option for Latin American policymakers to consider. These programs are designed to reduce poverty by making welfare programs conditional upon the recipients' actions. The criteria for receiving aid may be sending children to school regularly or taking them to a doctor.
A comprehensive Mexican program called PROGRESA delivers targeted education grants for children; healthcare services and nutritional supplements for pregnant women, nursing mothers and children under five; and annual health check-ups for other household members.
In 2002, it covered one-fifth of the Mexican population, delivering payouts that added up to 20 percent of the beneficiaries' total expenditure.
Evidence from this and smaller-scale programs show significant increases in household consumption, reducing poverty in the short run, and that such programs improve school enrollment and attendance rates, although they do less for achievement levels. Research also shows that these programs improve the health of children and adults.
Moreover, there is no evidence that these programs generate major negative incentives, such as lower employment among adults or higher fertility rates.
On the contrary, there is some evidence that beneficiary households increase their participation in microenterprise activities and make larger investments in agricultural production.
These sorts of benefits are, in economic terms, worth at least twice as much as the cost of the program -- the main expense is the cash that is transferred to households.
Early childhood development projects -- designed to improve physical, intellectual and social development -- form a third effective set of redistributive policies.
A wide range of interventions belong to this category. Some, such as growth monitoring, daycare services, preschool activities or improved hygiene or health services, work directly with children.
They may also include training services for teachers and caregivers and the strengthening of institutional and community resources and capacity.
Researchers who looked at early childhood development programs in Latin America concluded that program participation is associated with improved school readiness, a higher probability of on-time primary school enrollment, lower rates of grade repetition and dropout and improved academic performance overall. The economic benefits, estimated to be between five and 19 times higher than the costs, are dramatic.
A plan to reduce poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean should go far beyond conditional cash transfers and early childhood intervention in nutrition and education.
Although there is not yet enough evidence to assess the cost-benefit ratios of specific policies, the evidence available suggests that policymakers should also prioritize improving the provision of education, creating more secure property rights through land reform, promoting microfinance and improving rural infrastructure.
Poverty rates in the region have fallen slightly in the last two decades, but to reduce the drastic levels of inequality, there needs to be a serious commitment to policies that encourage the poor to acquire the means to escape poverty. Above all, policymakers should ensure that fighting poverty remains one of their highest priorities.
Bjorn Lomborg is the organizer of Copenhagen Consensus and adjunct professor at Copenhagen Business School. Sebastian Galiani is an associate professor at Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
The most troubling message coming out of Washington for Taipei is not any single statement but the cumulative effect of a series of signals suggesting that US President Donald Trump is rethinking Taiwan’s strategic value while viewing the US-China relationship through the lens of a transactional great-power bargain. The danger behind Trump’s new softness toward Beijing is a potential US-China bargain that undermines Taiwan’s core interests. During Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) recent state visit to Washington, Trump and Xi appeared to rewrite the history of World War II. In a Sept. 25 fact sheet on Xi’s visit, the White House said,
Southeast Asian food delivery platform Grab Holdings Ltd in March applied to acquire Delivery Hero SE’s Foodpanda operations in Taiwan, with the Fair Trade Commission (FTC) scheduled to announce its decision on Oct. 27. On the surface, the deal is a business merger — but in substance, it involves personal data, national geospatial information and digital sovereignty. It cannot be assessed solely in terms of market share and price competition. Grab has extensive and long-standing connections to Chinese capital. In 2015, Chinese ride-hailing firm Didi Chuxing and China Investment Corp, a sovereign wealth fund, invested in Grab. Grab invested in Chinese autonomous-driving
The official English name for Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator and Taipei mayoral candidate Puma Shen’s (沈伯洋) campaign is “the Taipei Current.” It comes from the Chinese term yangliu (洋流), a direct translation of which would be “ocean current,” using the last character of Shen’s name, yang (洋, “ocean”). The Chinese term is a reference to the 2018 campaign for Kaohsiung mayor that swept a hitherto marginal player within the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜), who is now legislative speaker, whose successful campaign then was termed the “Han Wave” (韓流). Shen’s usage of the Chinese term is intentional.
Early this month, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) held two large election campaign rallies in Taichung and New Taipei City on the same day. However, KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) was marginalized at the rallies. Cheng shouted herself hoarse campaigning onstage for the mayoral candidates, but neither candidate was onstage at the time. In the morning of that day, the KMT’s Taichung mayoral candidate, Deputy Legislative Speaker Johnny Chiang (江啟臣), entered the venue accompanied by Legislative Speaker Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜), Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) and New Taipei City Mayor Hou You-yi (侯友宜). That afternoon, the party’s New Taipei City
RSS