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Editorial: Minority hijacks reform

In the face of potentially devastating political pressure, the People First Party (PFP) and the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) have broken their word and reneged on a commitment to constitutional reform. Without the support of these parties, a constitutional reform bill may fail to achieve the majority support required for ratification by the National Assembly, which is to be convened for this purpose.

The drafting of the reform bill in the legislature last year may have just been one big waste of time.

After the government and opposition parties worked together to pass the constitutional reform bill in the previous legislature last year, all parties experienced a massive internal backlash, with many calling for the bill to be overturned. The PFP and the TSU now plan to simply reject the bill at the National Assembly, and are already calling for the threshold the bill's ratification by the assembly to be raised to three-quarters from one-half, further ensuring that this round of constitutional reform will come to nothing.

There was a bit of a scramble to get the bill passed in the legislature, amid pressure from the looming December legislative elections and a silent protest by veteran democracy activist Lin I-hsiung (林義雄). And given that a Japanese-style "single-member district, two vote" system would hurt the electoral hopes of smaller parties, it is not difficult to understand the pragmatic and emotional considerations behind the flip-flop on reform by the PFP and the TSU. But these legislators can hardly use the rushed passage of the law as an excuse to shrug off responsibility for their prevarication and apathy.

The same PFP and TSU legislators who voted for the bill have now simply broken faith, totally disregarding the voters who believed in their commitment to constitutional reform.

Together, the combined seats of the PFP, the TSU and independents who oppose the constitutional reform may exceed one-fourth of the total seats in the assembly. This means the ratification threshold stated in the law governing the National Assembly's exercise of power (國民大會職權行使法) that the Legislative Yuan is about to review is now crucial to whether the constitutional amendment will be stillborn. If the DPP and the KMT can maintain the threshold at a 50 percent-plus-one majority, the amendment is likely to be ratified, in light of the large number of seats the two parties hold. But if they cannot act effectively and allow the ratification threshold to be raised to three-quarters, then the amendment bill is likely to be vetoed.

Now that the PFP and TSU have broken their promise, the DPP and the KMT must ensure -- through party discipline -- that the ratification threshold is 50 percent, if they are to secure the constitutional amendment. If they claim to support it, but allow their legislators to vote as they please, their hypocrisy will be evident to all.

DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌) has already vowed to use party discipline to carry through the amendment if necessary. As such, whether the KMT can also exercise party discipline becomes significant.

As things stand now, only a majority of more than half the assembly can veto constitutional amendments. If the ratification threshold is raised to three-quarters of the assembly, then the ability of the minority to veto the majority will become the most significant rule in the game of constitutional amendment.

Although amendments should be implemented with caution, and should not be carried out before a public consensus is reached, the consensus of the majority should not be discarded in favor of the interests of a few political groups.

The Taiwanese people expect the legislature to maintain the threshold of 50 percent so the National Assembly can pass the amendment. If it is vetoed by a few parties and lawmakers, how will history view this ridiculous farce?
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