The legacy of dead dictators from vanquished totalitarian regimes should no longer be ambivalent. Only Germany's lunatic fringe dares to commemorate Hitler. Not even the pathetic remnants of the Khmer Rouge celebrate Pol Pot's memory. Yet, as Russia approaches the 60th anniversary of its victory over Nazi Germany, marking Stalin's role in that victory is proving to be damnably awkward.
Indeed, earlier this year, Moscow was roiled by debates about whether or not to build a statue to the dead dictator. In large bookstores across Russia, a huge number of political biographies and histories portray Josef Stalin and his era. Some of these, based on newly opened archival material, are critical. But the majority of these books and authors portray Stalin in a positive light. Indeed, when Russians are asked to list the most important people of the 20th century, Stalin is still tied for first place -- with Lenin.
Some see the hand of what remains of the Communist Party behind this. The party has moved far from its old Leninist ideals, as it seeks support nowadays through a witch's brew of Russian nationalism, hyper-orthodox Christianity, and "state Stalinism."
Of course, towns and cities are no longer named for Stalin. In the late 1950s, countless Stalin monuments were demolished. Yet many symbols of Stalin's rule have been carefully preserved, including the national anthem he personally approved in 1944. There are seven high-rises in Moscow that Russians still call "Stalin's vysotki." Next to Lenin's tomb is Stalin's grave and monument, where heaps of fresh flowers are always to be seen on the anniversaries of his birth, his death, and the victory over Hitler.
To be sure, Nikita Khrushchev's uncovering of Stalin's crimes and cult of personality in 1956 made a huge impression both in the Soviet Union and abroad. But many people in the political elite and military circles were enraged by Khrushchev's revelations. This incited many attempts to rehabilitate Stalin, especially during the 20 years of Leonid Brezhnev's rule, which we now call the period of "stagnation."
Mikhail Gorbachev continued to uncover the crimes of Stalinism, shedding light on dark pages that Khrushchev lacked the courage to open to public view. During Boris Yeltsin's presidency, this criticism became even stronger.
But demolishing the ideological, political and economic structures of the past is not enough to renew society. Yeltsin understood this. Eight years ago the remains of the Romanov family were publicly buried in the Peter-Paul castle in Saint Petersburg. Nicolas?II gained the status of saintly martyr.
The reburial of the Romanovs, however, didn't touch the public's emotions for long. Over 50 percent of Russia's population, including teachers, scientists, doctors and military personnel, have seen their quality of life fall since communism's demise. No surprise, then, that they are nostalgic for the past, including Stalin.
People of the older generation do, of course, remember the hardships of the 1930s and 1940s. But most Russians do not view the entire Soviet period as some sort of black hole. They see a time of hardship, yes, but also of great achievements -- in economic development, science, culture, education, and defense of the motherland during the war.
Today, Russians listen to old Soviet songs and watch Soviet-era movies. May 1 (Labor Day), and Nov. 7 (the anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution) remain much more meaningful than newly installed postcommunist holidays, such as June 12 (Independence Day). In fact, for many Russians, the declaration of Russia's independence in 1990 represents a low point in the country's history, a year of anarchy and disarray.
What can Russians be proud of in the 15 years of postcommunism? Shock therapy that ruined the economy and gave away the country's wealth to private but rarely clean hands? Neither democracy nor markets are seen by most Russians as absolute values, because they have failed to deliver either prosperity or security. What victories has Russia's army achieved in these years? It could not even subdue Chechnya, a small republic within the Russian federation.
The Russian federation remains a collection of multinational states in need of some unifying idea of statehood and nationality to keep them together. The easiest and the most understandable idea for Russians to cling to is patriotism.
Only two events have the power to mobilize and energize this sense of patriotism: the October revolution of 1917 and the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945, which turned the USSR and Russia into a great world power. The victory over fascism, because so many of its participants remain active, is a living event in our memory.
Victory Day this year will likely be the last "round" anniversary of 1945 that Russia can commemorate while many thousands of veterans are alive and able to participate. So the Kremlin is preparing to mark the event on a scale that Russia has never seen before. Needless to say, Stalin's name will be mentioned countless times during these celebrations.
But it would be a mistake to see this public recognition of Stalin as a real yearning for every aspect of the system he created. Instead, acknowledging Stalin is a way for Russians to recall a time of great deeds and perhaps even greater sacrifices. Patriotism everywhere is always based on such notions.
Roy Medvedev, a dissident historian in the Soviet era, is the author of the classic study of Stalinism Let History Judge.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
Recently, China launched another diplomatic offensive against Taiwan, improperly linking its “one China principle” with UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 to constrain Taiwan’s diplomatic space. After Taiwan’s presidential election on Jan. 13, China persuaded Nauru to sever diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Nauru cited Resolution 2758 in its declaration of the diplomatic break. Subsequently, during the WHO Executive Board meeting that month, Beijing rallied countries including Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Belarus, Egypt, Nicaragua, Sri Lanka, Laos, Russia, Syria and Pakistan to reiterate the “one China principle” in their statements, and assert that “Resolution 2758 has settled the status of Taiwan” to hinder Taiwan’s
Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s (李顯龍) decision to step down after 19 years and hand power to his deputy, Lawrence Wong (黃循財), on May 15 was expected — though, perhaps, not so soon. Most political analysts had been eyeing an end-of-year handover, to ensure more time for Wong to study and shadow the role, ahead of general elections that must be called by November next year. Wong — who is currently both deputy prime minister and minister of finance — would need a combination of fresh ideas, wisdom and experience as he writes the nation’s next chapter. The world that
Can US dialogue and cooperation with the communist dictatorship in Beijing help avert a Taiwan Strait crisis? Or is US President Joe Biden playing into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s (習近平) hands? With America preoccupied with the wars in Europe and the Middle East, Biden is seeking better relations with Xi’s regime. The goal is to responsibly manage US-China competition and prevent unintended conflict, thereby hoping to create greater space for the two countries to work together in areas where their interests align. The existing wars have already stretched US military resources thin, and the last thing Biden wants is yet another war.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, people have been asking if Taiwan is the next Ukraine. At a G7 meeting of national leaders in January, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida warned that Taiwan “could be the next Ukraine” if Chinese aggression is not checked. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said that if Russia is not defeated, then “today, it’s Ukraine, tomorrow it can be Taiwan.” China does not like this rhetoric. Its diplomats ask people to stop saying “Ukraine today, Taiwan tomorrow.” However, the rhetoric and stated ambition of Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) on Taiwan shows strong parallels with