Angered by questions from Hong Kong reporters, Chinese President Jiang Zemin (江澤民) roared and thundered at them during a meeting with Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa (董建華) on Oct. 27. Within four minutes, he lunged three times toward the reporters, clenched his fist, stared and screamed at them, using a mixture of Mandarin, English and Cantonese.
What question did the reporters raise that made Jiang lose his composure? Vice Premier Qian Qichen (錢其琛), who is charge of Hong Kong affairs, had met the previous day with Tung in Beijing. Qian expressed his support not only for Tung but also for his re-election bid. Qian's remarks were widely criticized in the Hong Kong media.
By means of a handshake, Jiang made it clear before Hong Kong's handover in 1997 that Tung was his choice for SAR chief executive. Jiang's gesture, which had a instructive effect on the small circles of "patriotic" voters, was described as an "imperial order"
This time, Qian discarded his fig leaf and said openly that he supported Tung serving another term as chief executive. He laid bare Beijing's naked interference in Hong Kong. The impudent reporters asked Jiang whether such a move amounted to an "imperial order" -- a question that pricked "Emperor" Jiang's heart. As a result, he gave them an unprecedented diatribe.
"You are too young, after all. Do you understand what it means? I tell you I've gone through hun-dreds of battles. I've seen a lot! Which Western country have I not been to? You've got to know Wallace from the US [CBS reporter Mike Wallace, who interviewed Jiang in New York before the UN General Assembly meeting in early September] is way better than you. I had a good chat with him."
"You run faster than Western reporters, but the questions you ask are too simple, sometimes naive. Do you understand? I am sorry. I am speaking to you as an elder. I am not a journalist, but I have seen a lot! You will have to take responsibility for deviations in your reports. Don't you kick up all this talk about an `imperial order.' And you want to criticize me! You people are naive! I am angry!"
Jiang showed his sense of inferiority and guilt. His brow-beating was a stark contrast to the grin he wore when faced with challenging questions from Mike Wallace. There are a few reasons why he fumed publicly.
One, he has not been able to pull himself out of the Falun Gong (
Two, he has lost face in North Korea, where a Chinese military delegation was given a cold shoulder recently. Playing the US card, Kim Jung-il gave US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright a warm welcome. Jiang has postponed his North Korea visit as a result.
Three, Hong Kong's political and economic environment has gone from bad to worse since its handover, so Tung is facing strong opposition and Beijing's "one country, two systems" model is proving a negative example for Taiwan. The fact that Tung has become a hopeless loser is a big embarrassment for Jiang.
Four, personnel arrangements for the communist party's 16th party congress have not been going smoothly. Jiang's wish to stay at the helm of the party's Central Military Commission remains uncertain. His health is also becoming a problem. The thought that both his political and physical lives may be nearing their ends has been causing him great anguish.
Jiang's explosion put Tung in a very awkward situation. Tung told them Jiang's railing was a well-intentioned encouragement and criticism -- a comment that caused a backlash in the Hong Kong media. More importantly, the Beijing authorities no longer wears their hypocritical masks in their dealings with Hong Kong. They have now shown us the true nature of "one country, two systems."
Paul Lin is a commentator on Hong Kong affairs. He currently resides in the US.
Translated by Francis Huang
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
China last week announced that it picked two Pakistani astronauts for its Tiangong space station mission, indicating the maturation of the two nations’ relationship from terrestrial infrastructure cooperation to extraterrestrial strategic domains. For Taiwan and India, the developments present an opportunity for democratic collaboration in space, particularly regarding dual-use technologies and the normative frameworks for outer space governance. Sino-Pakistani space cooperation dates back to the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, with a cooperative agreement between the Pakistani Space & Upper Atmosphere Research Commission, and the Chinese Ministry of Aerospace Industry. Space cooperation was integrated into the China-Pakistan