Wed, Feb 25, 2004 page8

• Editorial: Voting for the future, not the past

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  Many people may be unaware that Hong Kong and Chinese intellectuals are now describing the presidential election as one in which voters will decide whether to elect their own president or to elect a "chief executive" who answers to Beijing. Beijing has long made it clear that it opposes any form of referendum or a new constitution in Taiwan. It is also against the idea that there is one country on each side of the Taiwan Strait. If voters elect leaders who meet China's demands, then future presidents will be like the chief executives of Hong Kong and Macau -- at Beijing's beck and call.

  When this country held its first ever presidential election in 1996, China fired missiles into the sea off Taiwan's coast. Voters reacted by electing Lee Teng-hui (李登輝), who angered Beijing with his advocacy of a "special state-to-state" policy for cross-strait relations. In 2000, voters once again used their ballots to shatter the threats made by former Chinese vice premier Qian Qichen (錢其琛), who warned that to opt for Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) was to opt for war.

  Beijing is now ganging up with unscrupulous politicians in a number of other countries -- including some in Paris, Tokyo and Washington -- to try to put enormous pressure on Chen's referendum -- a democratic mechanism that Beijing is most fearful of. Should the electorate choose to give in?

  Beijing is against Taiwan's referendum for the simple reason that it fears further consolidation of this nation's democracy. It poses a major threat to the Beijing authorities, who have long been reluctant to carry out democratic reforms. The Chinese people's desire for human rights, democracy and the rule of law will certainly receive a massive boost from the examples set by Taiwan. This country's democratization serves as a mirror that reflects the ugly face of the Chinese Communist Party.

  The referendum is politically significant because it will reaffirm the nation's identity -- in addition to expressing the desire of the Taiwanese people to see the removal of hundreds of ballistic missiles that Beijing has deployed against their country. Once the referendum is held, any change to the nation's political structure -- including the enactment of a new constitution and reform of the legislature -- will have to be determined by its people via referendums. This will effectively exclude China's 1.2 billion people from Taiwan's affairs.

  This is something that the pan-blue camp's leaders, who share a China complex, can hardly accept. Their sentiments are evident in Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Lien Chan's (連戰) absurd claim that "one China is the Republic of China." The pan-blue camp's leaders still view the PRC and Mongolia as their nation's territory. They are still living in the lie that the Republic of China is China's "sole legitimate government."

  Chen has made it clear that he will ensure that the referendum be held even if it costs him the election. The people of Taiwan can join hands and use their referendum ballots to say "no" to China loud and clear. Such an opportunity has not come easily and it should not be taken for granted.

  The pan-blue camp must not get mired in their Chinese nationalist sentiments or try to obstruct the referendum through technicalities. Much less should they instigate riots to threaten the people. Their lack of confidence in the people -- and their blinding indifference to the best interests of the people -- has become their hallmark. The people should prove them wrong.
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