Sat, Feb 14, 2004 page8

• Editorial: More than words needed in debate

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  Twelve years after direct presidential elections were introduced here, the first-ever presidential debate will be held this afternoon. Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (連戰) and President Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁) will face the nation in a bid to convince voters who would be the better choice to lead the nation for the next four years.

  The debate is both historically significant and politically necessary. It opens an arena where no false allegations, finger pointing or war of words can dominate -- one where both candidates can elaborate on their vision and policies in a more rational and practical way.

  From now on, voters will be able to insist that a candidate spell out his or her program and vision so they can choose a candidate to fulfill a specific mandate. Issues and messages are more effective than image building in attracting votes. Candidates also need to show their ability to resolve problems by seeing the other side's point of view.

  What should be expected from the debate? At least three issues must be addressed: national identity, political institutionalization and a feasible vision for the future of this nation.

  An incumbent almost always carries more burdens than his or her challengers. While pursuing plans to hold a referendum and write a new constitution, Chen must persuade voters of the extent to which he can tackle both internal and external pressures. His insistence on independent sovereignty has consolidated the notion of Taiwanese consciousness. How to further deepen democracy without bringing the nation to the brink of crisis is one of his challenges.

  For Lien, his life-long embrace of the "one China" principle and his failure to distance himself from Beijing's implicit endorsement have created troubles for the pan-blue camp.

  Lien will have to explain how he would protect national security as part of his pledge to immediately open direct links if he is elected. Can he carry out his agenda without accepting Beijing's "one China" precondition? Does he include "independence" as one of the options for future cross-strait relations? Those are questions that cannot be left unanswered.

  One of the greatest tasks facing the next president is how to institutionalize the democratic system. Chen has outlined a blueprint for writing a new constitution and institutionalizing clean politics. Such attempts would bypass the lengthy -- and often impractical -- tradition procedures for constitutional reform. The question is to what extent he can ensure that his alternative process will be smooth and peaceful. Chen must also present a defense against the opposition's accusations that his administration is tainted by "black gold."

  As a long-time KMT member and official, Lien must come clean about both the party's "black gold" history and his own. He cannot simply try to pass the blame on to former president Lee Teng-hui (李登輝). He must tell the voters just what reforms he has made within the KMT to cleanse the party of its ill-gotten assets and its entrenched patronage and crony system. Facts, not promises, are needed, given the pan-blue camp's long-running legislative boycott of several "sunshine bills" and its obstructionism toward efforts to reduce the size of the legislature. Those actions demonstrate a clear lack of interest in political reform.

  Both Chen and Lien have issued many "electoral checks" -- promises -- to voters. Can all or even some of these checks be cashed and, if so, at what cost? Where are the financial resources to support all the proposed social-welfare projects? How do they propose Taiwan transform itself in the face of globalization and the rise of China's economic and political clout?

  The voters deserve fair and workable answers. The future of the nation depends upon it.
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