Twelve years after direct presidential elections were introduced here, the first-ever presidential debate will be held this afternoon. Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairman Lien Chan (
The debate is both historically significant and politically necessary. It opens an arena where no false allegations, finger pointing or war of words can dominate -- one where both candidates can elaborate on their vision and policies in a more rational and practical way.
From now on, voters will be able to insist that a candidate spell out his or her program and vision so they can choose a candidate to fulfill a specific mandate. Issues and messages are more effective than image building in attracting votes. Candidates also need to show their ability to resolve problems by seeing the other side's point of view.
What should be expected from the debate? At least three issues must be addressed: national identity, political institutionalization and a feasible vision for the future of this nation.
An incumbent almost always carries more burdens than his or her challengers. While pursuing plans to hold a referendum and write a new constitution, Chen must persuade voters of the extent to which he can tackle both internal and external pressures. His insistence on independent sovereignty has consolidated the notion of Taiwanese consciousness. How to further deepen democracy without bringing the nation to the brink of crisis is one of his challenges.
For Lien, his life-long embrace of the "one China" principle and his failure to distance himself from Beijing's implicit endorsement have created troubles for the pan-blue camp.
Lien will have to explain how he would protect national security as part of his pledge to immediately open direct links if he is elected. Can he carry out his agenda without accepting Beijing's "one China" precondition? Does he include "independence" as one of the options for future cross-strait relations? Those are questions that cannot be left unanswered.
One of the greatest tasks facing the next president is how to institutionalize the democratic system. Chen has outlined a blueprint for writing a new constitution and institutionalizing clean politics. Such attempts would bypass the lengthy -- and often impractical -- tradition procedures for constitutional reform. The question is to what extent he can ensure that his alternative process will be smooth and peaceful. Chen must also present a defense against the opposition's accusations that his administration is tainted by "black gold."
As a long-time KMT member and official, Lien must come clean about both the party's "black gold" history and his own. He cannot simply try to pass the blame on to former president Lee Teng-hui (
Both Chen and Lien have issued many "electoral checks" -- promises -- to voters. Can all or even some of these checks be cashed and, if so, at what cost? Where are the financial resources to support all the proposed social-welfare projects? How do they propose Taiwan transform itself in the face of globalization and the rise of China's economic and political clout?
The voters deserve fair and workable answers. The future of the nation depends upon it.
Taiwan stands at the epicenter of a seismic shift that will determine the Indo-Pacific’s future security architecture. Whether deterrence prevails or collapses will reverberate far beyond the Taiwan Strait, fundamentally reshaping global power dynamics. The stakes could not be higher. Today, Taipei confronts an unprecedented convergence of threats from an increasingly muscular China that has intensified its multidimensional pressure campaign. Beijing’s strategy is comprehensive: military intimidation, diplomatic isolation, economic coercion, and sophisticated influence operations designed to fracture Taiwan’s democratic society from within. This challenge is magnified by Taiwan’s internal political divisions, which extend to fundamental questions about the island’s identity and future
The narrative surrounding Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s attendance at last week’s Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit — where he held hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin and chatted amiably with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) — was widely framed as a signal of Modi distancing himself from the US and edging closer to regional autocrats. It was depicted as Modi reacting to the levying of high US tariffs, burying the hatchet over border disputes with China, and heralding less engagement with the Quadrilateral Security dialogue (Quad) composed of the US, India, Japan and Australia. With Modi in China for the
The Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) has postponed its chairperson candidate registration for two weeks, and so far, nine people have announced their intention to run for chairperson, the most on record, with more expected to announce their campaign in the final days. On the evening of Aug. 23, shortly after seven KMT lawmakers survived recall votes, KMT Chairman Eric Chu (朱立倫) announced he would step down and urged Taichung Mayor Lu Shiow-yen (盧秀燕) to step in and lead the party back to power. Lu immediately ruled herself out the following day, leaving the subject in question. In the days that followed, several
The Jamestown Foundation last week published an article exposing Beijing’s oil rigs and other potential dual-use platforms in waters near Pratas Island (Dongsha Island, 東沙島). China’s activities there resembled what they did in the East China Sea, inside the exclusive economic zones of Japan and South Korea, as well as with other South China Sea claimants. However, the most surprising element of the report was that the authors’ government contacts and Jamestown’s own evinced little awareness of China’s activities. That Beijing’s testing of Taiwanese (and its allies) situational awareness seemingly went unnoticed strongly suggests the need for more intelligence. Taiwan’s naval