While attending the funeral of anti-nuclear activist Chen Ching-tang (
Chen's message can be interpreted in two ways -- that even though construction of the plant has resumed, Taiwan society has already reached a consensus on a nuclear-free homeland or that the movement against the plant will surely succeed. Ever since the government was forced to resume the plant's construction, the DPP has continually tried to rekindle debate on the issue, demanding a halt to the construction and suggesting that the plant be turned into a nuclear energy museum instead of being made operational. Given the DPP's anti-nuclear-power stance, questions have been raised about the government's supervision of the construction. Four companies subcontracted by China Shipbuilding (
Another uproar was sparked Sunday when the government announced the administrative penalties that those linked to the substandard construction would receive. China Shipbuilding's general manager Chiang Yuan-chang (
But the damage to both the government and the DPP's reputation will be harder to repair. The government should severely punish all officials who are found guilty of dereliction of duty, no matter who they are. The DPP must investigate whether its lawmakers were indeed involved in influence-peddling and mete out severe punishments to those found guilty.
Even though the DPP is not happy about the plant, it must face reality. If the government tries again to halt construction, its credibility will go down the drain and the negative impact on domestic and foreign investment will be profound. The most responsible strategy for the government is to ensure the plant is built well and operates smoothly and safely. The government is already working to set up a cross-party task force to monitor the plant. Such a task force should include people from both sides of the nuclear divide in order to ensure the group operates objectively and fairly in overseeing construction, the awarding of future contracts, the plant's operation and the handling of nuclear waste.
The Fourth Nuclear Power Plant has already been a political disaster for the government and the DPP. Both must now do all they can to avert the possibility of a real nuclear disaster.
What began on Feb. 28 as a military campaign against Iran quickly became the largest energy-supply disruption in modern times. Unlike the oil crises of the 1970s, which stemmed from producer-led embargoes, US President Donald Trump is the first leader in modern history to trigger a cascading global energy crisis through direct military action. In the process, Trump has also laid bare Taiwan’s strategic and economic fragilities, offering Beijing a real-time tutorial in how to exploit them. Repairing the damage to Persian Gulf oil and gas infrastructure could take years, suggesting that elevated energy prices are likely to persist. But the most
Taiwan should reject two flawed answers to the Eswatini controversy: that diplomatic allies no longer matter, or that they must be preserved at any cost. The sustainable answer is to maintain formal diplomatic relations while redesigning development relationships around transparency, local ownership and democratic accountability. President William Lai’s (賴清德) canceled trip to Eswatini has elicited two predictable reactions in Taiwan. One camp has argued that the episode proves Taiwan must double down on support for every remaining diplomatic ally, because Beijing is tightening the screws, and formal recognition is too scarce to risk. The other says the opposite: If maintaining
Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文), during an interview for the podcast Lanshuan Time (蘭萱時間) released on Monday, said that a US professor had said that she deserved to be nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize following her meeting earlier this month with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Cheng’s “journey of peace” has garnered attention from overseas and from within Taiwan. The latest My Formosa poll, conducted last week after the Cheng-Xi meeting, shows that Cheng’s approval rating is 31.5 percent, up 7.6 percentage points compared with the month before. The same poll showed that 44.5 percent of respondents
India’s semiconductor strategy is undergoing a quiet, but significant, recalibration. With the rollout of India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) 2.0, New Delhi is signaling a shift away from ambition-driven leaps toward a more grounded, capability-led approach rooted in industrial realities and institutional learning. Rather than attempting to enter the most advanced nodes immediately, India has chosen to prioritize mature technologies in the 28-nanometer to 65-nanometer range. That would not be a retreat, but a strategic alignment with domestic capabilities, market demand and global supply chain gaps. The shift carries the imprimatur of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, indicating that the recalibration is