Let us, for a moment, entertain the fanciful hypothesis that Europe cares about its values. Imagine a Europe where the principles so lavishly inscribed upon the banners of the European project — the rule of law, the dignity of the individual, a commitment to strategic autonomy — are more than just rhetorical filigree for grand speeches in Brussels.
In this parallel Europe, the story emerging from the pages of Le Monde concerning Judge Nicolas Guillou, the French magistrate at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, the Netherlands, would be the political scandal of the century. It would be the kind of affair that topples governments and reignites a proud European mindfulness.
However, we do not inhabit that Europe. In this really-existing Europe, Guillou’s ordeal has been shrugged off, a symptom of the continent’s descent into a state of uncontested vassalage.
Illustration: Mountain People
Stripped bare, the facts of the case are disconcerting beyond measure.
Before us, we have a French citizen. A magistrate of some note sitting on the bench of the ICC which European diplomacy went to great lengths to establish so as to turn the page from a past in which war criminals could hide behind their governments’ shielding. Meticulously following the procedures of his institution in the execution of his sworn duties, this judge authorized arrest warrants for the Israeli prime minister and former defense minister for alleged war crimes in Gaza. In response, US President Donald Trump’s administration sanctioned Guillou.
The imposed sanctions are a masterclass in the evisceration of European sovereignty. They render Guillou a non-person, not only in the US, but also in his own country — the beating heart of Europe. He has been locked out of the global digital realm — WhatsApp, all Google apps and social media such as Facebook and Instagram. Even his French bank account is virtually useless, given the ban on all payments that require the cooperation of Visa, Mastercard, American Express and the supposedly European SWIFT interbank messaging system. As if that were not enough, when he recently tried to book a hotel room in France, Expedia canceled his reservation a few hours later.
Trump’s success at “flooding the zone” with outrageous behavior must not cause Europeans to miss the significance of these developments. The US government has decided to sanction — or, essentially, de-person — a European judge for carrying out his official duties in Europe while working in an institution established by Europe’s elected representatives at great cost and effort.
The real tragedy is not that Trump is throwing his weight around. It is in the nature of hegemons to bully those who inconvenience them. The real tragedy, or perhaps farce, lies in the EU’s reaction. Did European governments respond with a unified, thunderous condemnation? Did they trigger retaliatory measures, and immediately create European financial and digital channels to protect their judiciary and citizens from extraterritorial bullying? Alas, the response was a tragicomic spectacle of utter and complete acquiescence.
European banks, cowed by a stern look from a US Treasury official in Washington, rushed to close Guillou’s accounts. European companies, whose compliance departments act as extensions of the US authorities, refuse to provide him services. Meanwhile, European institutions — the European Commission and the Council of Europe — look the other way, wringing their hands and muttering platitudes about the “complexities” of transatlantic relations. They are not merely failing to protect Guillou; they are enforcing US sanctions against their own citizen.
During a week when European leaders loudly protested how the US had sidelined them in drawing up a peace deal for Ukraine, their silence over Guillou’s treatment completely normalized the erosion of their authority. From Trump’s perspective, they swapped the challenging, messy project of sovereignty for the comfortable decline of a US protectorate. How else could French President Emmanuel Macron have expected Trump to interpret his decision to treat the economic assassination of a French judge on French soil as nothing more than an unfortunate technical glitch or a minor bureaucratic snafu? Did he and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz really believe that sacrificing their citizens to Trump would gain them a seat at the negotiating table on issues such as Ukraine and Palestine, which are of existential importance to the EU?
No, Guillou’s Kafkaesque nightmare should not surprise people. What should be shocking is the silence surrounding it. Europeans should be outraged not only by US actions, but also by Europe’s inaction. Guillou’s case is a stark metaphor for the EU itself: A union of nation-states that helped build an international court to uphold its values, allowing a foreign power to punish its own judge for doing so, and then helped to enforce the punishment. This is a union that has lost its way, its soul and its spine, turning Europeans into willing extras in the theater of their own diminution.
When, in a few years’ time, almost everyone is claiming that they opposed Israel’s war crimes in Gaza, the world would remember Guillou fondly. However, it would also remember Europe’s leading politicians not just for their cowardice, but for their inattention to the simple fact that those who fail to uphold their own values become irrelevant.
Yanis Varoufakis, a former finance minister of Greece, is leader of the MeRA25 party and a professor of economics at the University of Athens.
Copyright: Project Syndicate
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something