The future of artificial intelligence (AI) depends on whether Taiwan and its allies — namely, the US — can secure the nation’s 15 international telecommunications cables and the broader global undersea cable system. Decades of deferred maintenance and deference to private actors have placed this critical infrastructure in a fragile position.
While China is literally parading its newest unmanned undersea vehicles (UUVs), the parties in the best position to increase the resiliency of the undersea cable system — the US and its hyperscalers — fail to see that a worst-case scenario is becoming increasingly likely.
The US, as a key supplier of undersea cable inputs and spare materials, could leverage its economic might to make these key resources more available. Hyperscalers such as Google and Meta are trying to lay new cables as fast as possible to keep up with their surge in bandwidth demands as they train new AI models. They can opt to make sure these cables are designed in a way to maximize resilience to new and growing threats.
Taiwan must not let this moment pass. There are signs of increased attention to this issue in Washington — I recently testified before Congress on this very topic. US representatives and senators alike are realizing that Taiwan and other allies are in a perilous position; they are also aware that their investments in AI would mean little if Internet traffic grinds to a halt due to undersea cable disruptions. A call for collaboration and immediate action from Taipei can ensure that Congress and US companies pursue this important issue.
Fifteen international cables ensure that Taiwan can reach the world and share its knowledge, products and services. These cables are prone to break even when they are not being targeted by adversaries. Misplaced fishing nets, anchors dropped at the wrong time and in the wrong place, and landslides can easily cause a cable break. This partially explains why dozens of cables have required repair over the past three years. As cables only have a lifespan of about 25 years, these breaks will likely become even more common in the near future. That is why across the entire undersea cable system there is a rush to lay new cables that are more resilient to everyday threats.
The time to repair these breaks is likely to increase. The global cable repair ship fleet is made up of fewer than 30 vessels — most of which need to be replaced by 2040. Experts calculate that US$3 billion is needed to meet this need. Google and Meta are each planning hundreds of billions of dollars in capital expenditure next year.
China, Russia and other bad actors are displaying new capabilities to clandestinely sabotage several undersea cables at once. As UUVs become more ubiquitous, the odds of bad actors being able to simultaneously snap several cables would increase. Taiwan, the US and allies would suffer significant economic and societal disruptions as a result.
Now is the time for Taiwanese officials to strongly and clearly express their support for US efforts to invest in the undersea cable system. These messages can then kick-start more specific joint initiatives. Taiwanese and US officials could help develop key standards around cybersecurity standards, cable repair processes and cable laying strategies that have been absent for far too long. They can also issue clear statements about how to interpret vague international laws in a way that aligns with the ability of every state to defend and protect its critical infrastructure, including undersea cables.
Ensuring the resilience of Taiwan’s undersea cables is not just a logistical necessity for the nation, but the fundamental prerequisite for safeguarding the global digital economy and the democratic connectivity that underpins the future of AI.
Kevin Frazier is the AI Innovation and Law Fellow at the University of Texas School of Law.
A gap appears to be emerging between Washington’s foreign policy elites and the broader American public on how the United States should respond to China’s rise. From my vantage working at a think tank in Washington, DC, and through regular travel around the United States, I increasingly experience two distinct discussions. This divergence — between America’s elite hawkishness and public caution — may become one of the least appreciated and most consequential external factors influencing Taiwan’s security environment in the years ahead. Within the American policy community, the dominant view of China has grown unmistakably tough. Many members of Congress, as
The Hong Kong government on Monday gazetted sweeping amendments to the implementation rules of Article 43 of its National Security Law. There was no legislative debate, no public consultation and no transition period. By the time the ink dried on the gazette, the new powers were already in force. This move effectively bypassed Hong Kong’s Legislative Council. The rules were enacted by the Hong Kong chief executive, in conjunction with the Committee for Safeguarding National Security — a body shielded from judicial review and accountable only to Beijing. What is presented as “procedural refinement” is, in substance, a shift away from
The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of this year have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilized by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington. For the Chinese leadership, the anxiety is two-fold: There is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan
After declaring Iran’s military “gone,” US President Donald Trump appealed to the UK, France, Japan and South Korea — as well as China, Iran’s strategic partner — to send minesweepers and naval forces to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. When allies balked, the request turned into a warning: NATO would face “a very bad” future if it refused. The prevailing wisdom is that Trump faces a credibility problem: having spent years insulting allies, he finds they would not rally when he needs them. That is true, but superficial, as though a structural collapse could be caused by wounded feelings. Something