Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) election as Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) chairwoman has landed like a bomb in Taiwan’s politics. Politicians have responded in different ways, in the process revealing their true colors. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) should adjust its policies — some major shifts, some fine tuning — to adapt to these changes.
Within the KMT, Cheng’s victory has highlighted the distinction between the “Republic of China [ROC] faction” and the “capitulators’ faction.”
Former KMT legislator Alex Tsai (蔡正元) said the KMT might as well become the “Chinese Nationalist Surrender Party” under Cheng’s leadership, placing him firmly in the party’s ROC faction.
In contrast, Legislative Speaker Han Kuo-yu (韓國瑜) has echoed Cheng’s rhetoric that President William Lai (賴清德) should withdraw his declaration that China is a hostile foreign force, placing him clearly in the capitulators’ camp.
What about other KMT heavyweights, such as former Broadcasting Corp of China chairman Jaw Shaw-kong (趙少康) and former Taipei mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌)?
The DPP should distinguish between the two KMT factions to focus on the main competition. During recent debates at the Legislative Yuan, DPP Legislator Rosalia Wu (吳思瑤) has been targeting specific figures such as Cheng and Han to avoid the usual power struggle between the blue and green camps. This approach is beneficial for internal unity in Taiwan.
The Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) has also undergone significant changes. After former TPP chairman Ko Wen-je (柯文哲) was granted bail, TPP Chairman Huang Kuo-chang (黃國昌) has restrained himself.
Asked about a Chinese criminal probe into DPP Legislator Puma Shen (沈伯洋), Huang even said Beijing has no right to arrest Taiwanese nationals. Although he later criticized Lai’s mishandling of the case, his comment differed from those of KMT capitulators.
Moreover, Taiwan was able to become a member of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC) last year after TPP Legislator Chen Gau-tzu (陳昭姿) agreed to serve with another DPP lawmaker as cochairs, meeting the alliance’s requirement that a country must be represented by lawmakers from at least two major parties. This has allowed Taiwan to attend IPAC summits and pass favorable resolutions. DPP Legislator Fan Yun (范雲), the other cochair, specifically thanked Chen during this year’s IPAC summit.
Huang has said the corruption charges against Ko are unjust, but that decision lies in the hands of the judiciary, not on Huang’s or the TPP’s beliefs.
Ironically, the party had suspended TPP Legislator Vivian Huang’s (黃珊珊) party rights for three years due to her involvement in one of these “unjust cases.” Although Huang, as party chairman, could revoke the suspension, he has not done so, as she could become his biggest rival within the party. This naturally serves his own interests, but if the punishment is revoked, would the TPP not be able to accomplish more in the face of new developments?
Under such circumstances, “differentiated treatment” is a good strategy. Faced with the chaotic political situation, if the DPP can adopt more sophisticated targeted strategies toward other parties and key members, it might win over voters who are struggling to making sense of this political chaos.
The DPP should avoid over-emotional statements, and instead show greater care to opposition supporters and swing voters.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Eddy Chang
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