Democratic Progressive Party Legislator Puma Shen (沈伯洋) is being investigated by the Chinese government for the crime of “separatism” and was smeared in a so-called “expose” by state-run China Central Television (CCTV). The Chinese campaign is more than intimidation of an individual; it is part of an ongoing program of psychological warfare against Taiwanese. Although China’s move is a weaponization of the law with state media as cheerleader, its ultimate goal is not a legal outcome, but to create a chilling effect that drives Taiwanese to self-censor.
Despite the barefaced nature of these political threats, there are domestic voices that have responded with mockery and deflection from the crux of the matter. By some perverse logic, opposition legislators have called on President William Lai (賴清德) to “self-reflect” rather than condemn China. If it were not for China’s sustained military threats, information infiltration and diplomatic suppression, Taiwan would have no need for legislation like the Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法), which Shen advocated. What needs to be examined is not the government’s defense, but the reality of Chinese interference.
China’s decision to target Shen was not random and must be understood in its wider context. First, last month’s meeting between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) failed to secure any US move against Taiwan, leading to Chinese frustration and renewed pressure on Taipei. Second, Beijing’s commemoration of the 80th anniversary of “Taiwan’s retrocession” and the “seven benefits of unification” proposed by China’s top Taiwan policy official Wang Huning (王滬寧) appear as gestures of goodwill, but in fact lay the rhetorical groundwork for a crackdown on supposed “Taiwanese independence forces.” Third is the resurgence of “wolf warrior”-style diplomacy and a willingness to defy international norms. Chinese Consul General in Osaka Xue Jian’s (薛劍) now-deleted threats against Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, and China’s warnings of diplomatic retaliation if the UK does not approve plans for its new embassy in central London are both prime examples.
It is clear that the CCP’s actions are an affront to Taiwan’s democracy. If China could get away with throwing around labels of “troublemaking separatists,” next could be anyone who dares to criticize it. Throughout history, this kind of labeling and persecution has always been one of the most destructive weapons in the arsenal of authoritarian regimes.
The government — in particular the Mainland Affairs Council, which is responsible for overseeing cross-strait relations — has made its position clear. It is working on cooperation across ministries and with like-minded allies on responses to Chinese threats. It could consider the following measures:
First, China’s cross-border intimidation of Taiwanese officials should be classified as a national security issue that is antagonistic to democratic governance. Second, Taiwan should work with diplomatic allies to establish mechanisms for resisting transnational repression and ensure that Taiwanese targeted by China would not face extradition or detention overseas. Third, it should investigate formal and informal channels of exchanges with China, and suspend contact with any individuals or organizations involved in propaganda, infiltration or judicial coercion.
Taiwan must not be constrained or silenced by fear. It must not retreat in the face of authoritarian bullying, but respond with conviction in its institutions, judiciary and democratic values. Only then can it gain the understanding and support of the global community.
Wang Hung-jen is a professor at National Cheng Kung University’s Department of Political Science.
Translated by Gilda Knox Streader
KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s (鄭麗文) recent visit to Beijing and her upcoming visit to Washington will serve as a high-level test of her diplomatic mettle. In Beijing, Cheng was received with symbolic gestures, a warm reception, and high-level access. In Washington, she will receive far less pomp and far sharper questions about the KMT’s vision for the future of Taiwan. Her challenge will be to persuade Washington that the KMT’s engagement with China can coexist with strong deterrence. Cheng’s April 7-12 visit to mainland China coincided with an intense period of conflict in Iran. Despite the strategic significance of Cheng’s trip,
The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has sent the vast Asian chemicals industry into a tailspin. Deprived of the likes of Qatari natural gas and Saudi Arabian oil, the region’s fertilizer and plastics plants are slowing production or even shutting down. Everywhere except China, that is. In petrochemicals, China is unique. As well as a traditional industry that uses oil and gas as feedstock, it has parallel output that relies on its abundant domestic coal. Unsurprisingly, India and other regional powers want to copy and paste the Chinese method. This would not be easy — or climate friendly. The
US President Donald Trump recently repeated his claim that “Taiwan stole America’s chip industry,” reigniting public debate on the issue. As a former Taiwanese minister of economic affairs and an entrepreneur deeply involved in semiconductor supply chain development, I feel a responsibility to clarify this misunderstanding. From the perspective of global industrial evolution and the economic principle of comparative advantage, such a statement appears overly simplistic and risks obscuring the essence of the issue. The rise of Taiwan’s semiconductor industry was not built on “replacing America,” but rather emerged as a result of countries pursuing different development paths within the
Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto says he knows how to fix the problems facing Indonesia. Yet his economic mismanagement and authoritarian tendencies are steering the nation toward a familiar mix of currency instability and political chaos. The world’s fourth-most populous nation risks reversing the hard-won democratic and business reforms that came after the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. At that time, the rupiah collapsed and the political upheaval that followed forced former president Haji Mohamed Suharto from power. Prabowo’s administration is ignoring similar warning signs. That disconnect was apparent in a national address on Wednesday, when Prabowo projected the swagger that has
RSS