Democratic Progressive Party Legislator Puma Shen (沈伯洋) is being investigated by the Chinese government for the crime of “separatism” and was smeared in a so-called “expose” by state-run China Central Television (CCTV). The Chinese campaign is more than intimidation of an individual; it is part of an ongoing program of psychological warfare against Taiwanese. Although China’s move is a weaponization of the law with state media as cheerleader, its ultimate goal is not a legal outcome, but to create a chilling effect that drives Taiwanese to self-censor.
Despite the barefaced nature of these political threats, there are domestic voices that have responded with mockery and deflection from the crux of the matter. By some perverse logic, opposition legislators have called on President William Lai (賴清德) to “self-reflect” rather than condemn China. If it were not for China’s sustained military threats, information infiltration and diplomatic suppression, Taiwan would have no need for legislation like the Anti-Infiltration Act (反滲透法), which Shen advocated. What needs to be examined is not the government’s defense, but the reality of Chinese interference.
China’s decision to target Shen was not random and must be understood in its wider context. First, last month’s meeting between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) failed to secure any US move against Taiwan, leading to Chinese frustration and renewed pressure on Taipei. Second, Beijing’s commemoration of the 80th anniversary of “Taiwan’s retrocession” and the “seven benefits of unification” proposed by China’s top Taiwan policy official Wang Huning (王滬寧) appear as gestures of goodwill, but in fact lay the rhetorical groundwork for a crackdown on supposed “Taiwanese independence forces.” Third is the resurgence of “wolf warrior”-style diplomacy and a willingness to defy international norms. Chinese Consul General in Osaka Xue Jian’s (薛劍) now-deleted threats against Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, and China’s warnings of diplomatic retaliation if the UK does not approve plans for its new embassy in central London are both prime examples.
It is clear that the CCP’s actions are an affront to Taiwan’s democracy. If China could get away with throwing around labels of “troublemaking separatists,” next could be anyone who dares to criticize it. Throughout history, this kind of labeling and persecution has always been one of the most destructive weapons in the arsenal of authoritarian regimes.
The government — in particular the Mainland Affairs Council, which is responsible for overseeing cross-strait relations — has made its position clear. It is working on cooperation across ministries and with like-minded allies on responses to Chinese threats. It could consider the following measures:
First, China’s cross-border intimidation of Taiwanese officials should be classified as a national security issue that is antagonistic to democratic governance. Second, Taiwan should work with diplomatic allies to establish mechanisms for resisting transnational repression and ensure that Taiwanese targeted by China would not face extradition or detention overseas. Third, it should investigate formal and informal channels of exchanges with China, and suspend contact with any individuals or organizations involved in propaganda, infiltration or judicial coercion.
Taiwan must not be constrained or silenced by fear. It must not retreat in the face of authoritarian bullying, but respond with conviction in its institutions, judiciary and democratic values. Only then can it gain the understanding and support of the global community.
Wang Hung-jen is a professor at National Cheng Kung University’s Department of Political Science.
Translated by Gilda Knox Streader
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